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Bob Mackin

Two reports published in the same week by think tanks in separate hemispheres both warn of China’s increasing influence in democratic countries.

In the Macdonald-Laurier Institute’s “Hard Edge of Sharp Power: Understanding China’s Influence Operations Abroad,” J. Michael Cole wrote that China’s soft power campaign under president-for-life Xi Jinping has given way to sharp power, because spending on media, partnerships, academic outreach and the cultural industry have not borne fruit.

Macdonald-Laurier Institute research on China’s influence.

“Given its inability to project a friendly face, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has had to increase its reliance on other, less overt ways of promoting Chinese interests internationally,” said Taipei-based security analyst Cole in the Oct. 25 report. “The term sharp power describes what had hitherto been referred to as political warfare or influence operations. Sharp power encapsulates a strategy by autocratic regimes that ‘pierces, penetrates, or perforates the political and information environments in the targeted countries’.”

The report comes more than two weeks after revelations about a pro-Beijing expats association in Richmond that offered a $20 “transportation subsidy” on WeChat for its members to vote on a list of recommended candidates in the Richmond, Burnaby and Vancouver civic elections. Richmond RCMP said on the eve of the Oct. 20 elections that it had insufficient evidence to recommend charges, but the investigation is ongoing.

Cole wrote that the CCP uses co-optation, bribery, incentivization, disinformation, censorship, and propaganda to further its international strategies.

“Examples include Beijing’s influence over multiple Chinese diaspora community associations abroad, its cultivation of current and former politicians in Australia, Canada and elsewhere, and efforts to censor books and publications critical of Chinese regime internationally.”

Cole’s report recommended, among other things, revising laws to ensure government officials are not co-opted by foreign agents. Retired government officials should be banned from working for foreign entities linked to authoritarian regimes for a minimum two years after leaving office.

He also said law enforcement and intelligence agencies need closer cooperation and government should expand outreach to educate the public on political warfare. “Improve outreach to Chinese communities, both for reassurance purposes and to benefit from their knowledge.”

The report also said it should be made more difficult for authoritarian regimes and their proxies to sue journalists and academics for defamation, and there should be beefed-up safeguards to stop wrongful dismissals or editors and journalists in Chinese-language media.

Cole cited CCP pressure on media abroad that led to the firing of Global Chinese Press editor Lei Jin after he tried to publish an obituary about Nobel Peace Prize winner Liu Xiaobo, and Helen Wang, Chinese Canadian Post editor, for publishing a piece critical of Liberal Ontario cabinet minister Michael Chan after complaints from the Chinese consulate and pro-Beijing groups.

In 2016, Global Chinese Press also canceled a column by Gao Bingchen after he criticized Foreign Minister Wang Yi over his berating of a Canadian journalist who asked Wang a question about human rights during a visit to Ottawa,” Cole wrote. “Officials seeking to ingratiate themselves with Chinese authorities or to secure lucrative deals have also been complicit in the silencing of media coverage.”

Cole also mentioned ex-Ontario Premier Kathleen Wynne’s 2015 denial of access to Canadian media at three events with the party secretary of Jiangsu province, Luo Zhijun, during a Toronto visit.

Australian researcher Alex Joske

“We are only in the beginning phase of understanding the nature and scope of China’s sharp power challenge. Simply put, we have failed to pay enough attention to China over the years, or believed, as many did, that engagement would eventually turn the regime into a more liberal, if not democratic, partner in global affairs. Developments in China under Xi Jinping have put an end to such hopes. If we are to fashion the right response to that problem, we must first better understand China and the CCP. We can no longer afford to regard it as a distant phenomenon.”China 

Meanwhile, Alex Joske’s Oct. 30-published Picking flowers, making honey: The Chinese military’s collaboration with foreign universities” report said approximately 300 Chinese military scientists have been sent to Canada to collaborate with universities since 2007. A total of 2,500 linked to the People’s Liberation Army have been sent to various countries.

China has sent PLA scientists abroad who specialize in nuclear and chemical weapons, tank technology and aerodynamics. University of Waterloo, University of Toronto and McGill University are among the 10 most-active collaborators with China, as measured by peer-reviewed publications from 2006 to 2017.

“Helping a rival military develop its expertise and technology isn’t in the national interest, yet it’s not clear that Western universities and governments are fully aware of this phenomenon,” wrote Australian Strategic Policy Institute researcher Joske. “Some universities have failed to respond to legitimate security concerns in their engagement with China. Current policies by governments and universities have not fully addressed issues like the transfer of knowledge and technology through collaboration with the PLA. Clear government policy towards universities working with the PLA is also lacking.

Joske recommended governments limit technology transfer, better scrutinize visa applications from Chinese military scientists and enact new laws targeting military end users.

Governments should also consider increasing funding to strategic science and technology fields, while actively limiting problematic foreign investment in those fields,” he wrote. “Universities must recognize the risks of such collaboration and seek to learn the extent and nature of their collaboration with the PLA by actively working with government, civil society and security professionals.”

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Bob Mackin Two reports published in the same

Kerry Starchuk is afraid her hometown is coming apart because of a widening cultural and economic divide.

For eight years, she has campaigned for English language on signs in Richmond, where more than 60% of residents are ethnic Chinese. She is also behind a petition to the House of Commons seeking an end to birth tourism.

She felt she was being ignored by city council, so she decided to run in the Oct. 20 civic election. Knocking on doors, waving signs and appearing at all-candidates meetings became her life for a month.

“I actually took it to the next level so the politicians at city hall were going to take me more seriously,” said Starchuk in an interview with host Bob Mackin on this week’s edition of theBreaker.news Podcast

Starchuk didn’t win, but she did get the issues that she cares about discussed by candidates of all stripes at all-candidates meetings. She ended up with the support of almost 7,000 voters.

“I encourage other people to get involved. We had 30 people that ran for city council, that’s a lot. And if all those 30 people meet outside… and we form some citizen group and then empower those people to be part of the solutions. If we’re just going to rely on the eight people [on city council], it might not be enough for Richmond.”

Listen to the full interview with Starchuk. Also, hear Chinese community activist Meena Wong’s thoughts on the low voter turnout. Elections across the province averaged a 36% participation rate.

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theBreaker.news Podcast: "Citizen Kerry" reflects on running for Richmond city council
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Kerry Starchuk is afraid her hometown is

Bob Mackin

Tom Armour is waiting for the call that will help change his life. 

If he lived in Alberta, Armour would have already had deep brain stimulation (DBS) surgery to treat Parkinson’s Disease. But, because he’s a British Columbian, the wait continues.

“It’s very frustrating that nothing has happened since I was diagnosed and waited for surgery,” said Fort Langley’s Armour in an interview.

The degenerative disease causes a loss of control of movements, body and emotions. But a deep brain stimulation implant can treat those symptoms and vastly improve the quality of life.

Armour was diagnosed eight years ago when he was 58. He sold his steel erection business, Armour Installations, to focus on his health. It took over three years for him to see neurosurgeon Dr. Christopher Honey, B.C.’s only trained and funded DBS specialist. It will be two years this December since he was deemed a suitable candidate for the complicated surgery.

Brain stimulation device for patients who have undergone deep brain stimulation surgery (Parkinson B.C.)

By comparison, Alberta has two qualified neurosurgeons and a six-month wait list. Ontario’s wait list is two-to-three months.

Honey does approximately 40 of the surgeries a year. Honey-trained Dr. Zurab Ivanishvili at Royal Columbian Hospital is ready to go, but awaits funding. The Parkinson Society British Columbia wants at least two more surgeons recruited for B.C., a reciprocal agreement with Alberta, Saskatchewan and Ontario to send B.C. patients there and new technology and techniques to reduce the surgery time 

The society set-up a Change.org petition that has nearly 5,000 supporters. Because it is an electronic petition, it will not be admissible in the Legislature, but it can still be sent to Health Minister Adrian Dix’s office. The petition website shows BC Liberal MLA Tom Shypitka with patient Terry Hume, who demonstrates the value of DBS, before and after activating the pacemaker-like stimulator.

In Question Period on Oct. 25, BC Liberal opposition members Norm Letnick and Greg Kyllo challenged Dix to accelerate access to DBS. Dix admitted the B.C. government is falling short.

“There are, in fact — and have been over the last four or five years — significant and growing wait times for DBS interventions, and it’s very important,” Dix said. “A lot of us in our families and a lot of us as constituents know people who are dealing with Parkinson’s disease. It’s a very serious situation, and DBS, for many of them, is helpful. In fact, the range of people that it can help has increased over that time. In this year, we’ve increased the number of interventions scheduled by 50 percent. That number will not be adequate, I think, to reduce the wait times, but it makes the situation better than it was before. It’s gone from 23 interventions to 36 interventions this year.”

Health Minister Adrian Dix (Hansard)

Dix said it puts the health care system in jeopardy if only one person in B.C. can perform the surgery. “The health authorities, both Fraser Health and Vancouver Coastal Health, are working on that issue right now… We’re working on the issue of expanding access to those surgeries now, and we’ll have more to report in the near future.”

Armour said DBS can benefit the government in the long run, through fewer visits to hospitals and by helping Parkinson’s patients remain productive.

“It can save them a fortune,” Armour said. “The cost of doing the surgery and the followup, I could keep working another 10 years. That’s going to more than pay for it.”

This is not the first uphill battle for Parkinson’s patients with the B.C. government.

In February 2017, the BC Liberal government finally relented and announced it would fund Duodopa, the trade name for the levodopa/carbidopa intestinal gel (LCIG) to treat people with the most severe symptoms.

Documents obtained by theBreaker showed how Health Minister Terry Lake, assistant deputy minister Barbara Walman, drug intelligence executive director Eric Lun and special authority director Susan Bouma thwarted efforts to fund about 10 patients needing the $60,000-a-year drug.

“Given the fiscal pressures affecting PharmaCare and the broader health system, the program has limited capacity to expand coverage for new benefits and must be very selective in that regard,” Lun wrote to Jean Blake, the CEO of Parkinson Society B.C. on May 9, 2016. “Due to the extremely high cost of this product, coverage requests are not being considered, including exceptional cases.”

Dr. Martin McKeown, the UBC Chair in Parkinson’s Research, wrote to Bouma in June 2016, a year after writing to Lun on the same topic. “If our patient were a resident of Alberta, Manitoba, Ontario, Quebec or Yukon, my patient would successfully gain public reimbursement for LCIG.”

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Bob Mackin Tom Armour is waiting for

Bob Mackin

The end of Vision Vancouver’s decade-long majority on city council, and the lack of a majority party on the Oct. 20-elected city council, signals the end of a secret government.

It doesn’t mean an end to government secrecy. Governments will always try to keep secrets and reporters will do their best to expose them.

But the secret government at 12th and Cambie is over.

Vancouverites should rejoice.

Vancouver city council met most of the time in front of the public, as city council or one of the standing committees. Sometimes it declared it would meet in camera, behind closed doors. But calendars for Mayor Gregor Robertson, his chief of staff Kevin Quinlan and their correspondence confirm there were other meetings. For the Vision Vancouver caucus only.

Gregor Robertson and city council at the 2008 swearing-in ceremony (Joshua Berson)

Councillors from other parties were not invited. You were not invited. What went on at these meetings is mostly a mystery.

When theBreaker asked for minutes and agendas for a series of caucus meetings held in 2017, the city’s freedom of information office said no records existed.

“The Mayor’s Office confirms there are no agendas or minutes for the caucus meetings held. It was also confirmed that there are no meeting notes,” said the response letter from city hall last November. “The caucus meetings are only verbal party updates and verbal discussions regarding regional, provincial and federal issues as well as upcoming events.”

Messages contained in Robertson’s secret Gmail account, discovered by theBreaker, indicate otherwise. The Vision Vancouver caucus meetings were also incubators for policy later adopted by the Vision council members, who rarely showed dissent in public meetings.

For instance, a May 22, 2016 email from Coun. Heather Deal to Robertson and Quinlan about a public art motion said: “Once you have signed off I will send it to caucus. It has to go to clerk before caucus on Tuesday.”

In the opinion of a prominent British Columbia municipal affairs lawyer, Vision Vancouver was breaking the law by running a secret government.

“If they are caucusing, they have a problem,” said Raymond Young in a September 2015 Vancouver Sun story. “That’s a council meeting.”

Young’s presentation to the 2015 Union of B.C. Municipalities convention on the laws surrounding open meetings said that a meeting includes any deliberation involving a quorum of members of a governing body to discuss any public business or policy over which they have control.

In Vancouver, where there are 10 councillors and the mayor, the quorum is six — Robertson plus Heather Deal, Kerry Jang, Raymond Louie, Andrea Reimer and Tim Stevenson. (The number was seven before Geoff Meggs quit council to become Premier John Horgan’s chief of staff in July 2017; it will soon be zero after the only remaining incumbent, Deal, lost.)

The Vancouver Charter’s section 165.1 is under the heading “General rule that meetings must be open to the public.” A council cannot meet behind closed doors, except to discuss land transactions, labour relations and legal matters. Even then, the council must publicize the meeting and state the legal basis for the closure. The names of all persons in attendance must be kept.

“Our citizens are entitled to more than a result,” said Young’s presentation. “They are entitled not only to know what government decides, but to observe how and why every decision is reached.”

A 2007 case about the City of London, Ont. said open meeting laws “imbue municipal governments with a robust democratic legitimacy.”

“The democratic legitimacy of municipal decisions does not spring solely from periodic elections, but also from a decision-making process that is transparent, accessible to the public, and mandated by law,” read the verdict. “When a municipal government improperly acts with secrecy, this undermines the democratic legitimacy of its decision, and such decisions, even when intra vires [within authority], are less worthy of deference.”

British Columbia’s Ombudsperson published a 2012 report called Open Meetings: Best Practices Guide for Local Governments. The decision to close a meeting, it said, must not be made hastily or without careful consideration of the principles and values of municipal laws. It also said local governments should record minutes for closed meetings, at least in as much detail as open meetings.

“Minutes should include a detailed description of the discussion, any specific documents considered, any motions, resolutions or votes, and any directions issued,” the report recommended. “This will not only provide a reference for attendees, but, when the minutes are eventually released, will inform members of the public and reassure them that the matter was properly discussed in a closed meeting and that procedural requirements were satisfied.”

Vision Vancouver did not follow the Ombudsperson’s advice. Nor did it live up to Robertson’s Dec. 8, 2008 swearing-in speech.

“When the city uses your money, you have a right to know where it’s being spent, and what it’s being used for. When leaders fall short of that standard, public confidence is shaken,” Robertson said. “I will not let you down on making city hall more open and accountable.”

The Office of the Information and Privacy Commissioner told theBreaker in January that it was powerless to act, because there is no duty to document law.

Horgan has not delivered on a duty to document promise that was contained in the party’s 2017 election platform.

A platform that was developed with input from Meggs.

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Deal Caucus Email by BobMackin on Scribd

Bob Mackin The end of Vision Vancouver’s decade-long

Bob Mackin

More allegations of illegal campaigning during the Oct. 20 election.

Video clips obtained by theBreaker show promotion of NPA candidates near the polling station on the grounds of the Ross Street Sikh Temple in South Vancouver.

Local election laws prohibit attempts to influence, induce or impede voters within 100 metres of a polling station. The maximum penalty is a $5,000 fine and/or a year in jail.

In the video clips below, a pickup truck plastered with signs for NPA mayoral candidate Ken Sim, city council candidate David Grewal and park board candidate Pall Beesla is seen driving slowly in the parking lot as people come and go from the nearby polling station.

Beesla, a Coast Mountain bus driver, is the senior assistant treasurer for the Khalsa Diwan Society, which is based at the temple.

In the second clip, according to two Punjabi speakers contacted by theBreaker, a woman is asked by a man if she knows who she wants to vote for. She is then offered a piece of paper and advised to vote for Grewal and Beesla — “Punjabi boys” — and “a Chinese guy.” The latter is an apparent reference to Sim. The man also advised the woman not to show the paper to anyone inside the voting station. 

Sim lost to Kennedy Stewart by less than 1,000 votes. He conceded on Oct. 22.

Beesla finished 11th, 10,000 votes shy of winning a seat on the seven-member park board. Grewal, was also 11th, but nearly 1,700 votes below fellow NPA candidate Sarah Kirby-Yung, who won the last available seat on city council.

City hall’s election office is already investigating a complaint about an Oct. 16 news conference by Stewart that was held at city hall’s Helena Gutteridge Plaza. Stewart’s campaign manager, Neil Monckton, said the event was held 108.74 metres from the entrance of city hall, according to a Google Map.

Update (Oct. 25): City hall spokeswoman Jhenifer Pabilano said that both the Ross Street and Gutteridge Plaza incidents remain under investigation.

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Bob Mackin More allegations of illegal campaigning during

Bob Mackin

What next for Vision?

Or should the question be: is there a next for Vision?

Allan Wong is the last man standing. He won the last school board seat available on Oct. 20 with 47,378 votes — just 663 more than COPE’s Diana Day.

Heather Deal, the only incumbent Vision councillor, lost with 39,606 votes; she was re-elected in 2014 with 62,698. The Vision brand was too much to overcome. The task was that much harder after she drew a low position in the randomized ballot that fellow Visionista Andrea Reimer lobbied for.

A stayed domestic violence charge from 2010 forced mayoral candidate Ian Campbell out before he could register. On the eve of e-day, council hopeful Wei Qiao Zhang lost his endorsement over an unexplained misconduct.

Runner-up Ken Sim’s post-election speech Oct. 21 (Mackin)

The party that dominated Vancouver politics for almost a decade is now a tarnished brand. It proved the third-term is the hardest. The party did not regenerate after losing organizers and advisers to the Trudeau Liberals in 2015 and Horgan NDP in 2017. It also took about nine years for even Vision supporters to discover Robertson was an empty suit beholden to big money donors intent on transforming the city to an urban resort for China’s wealthiest.

The NPA losing streak is at four; could the solution to its mayoral defeats be among its newly elected five councillors?

NPA was the Non-Partisan Association, the grand old party that Gregor Robertson slammed in 2014 as a bunch of old, white guys. On Oct. 20, it elected five women, who are now the largest party bloc on city council: incumbent Coun. Melissa De Genova, ex-Park Board chair Sarah Kirby-Yung, ex-school board trustee Lisa Dominato, and newcomers Rebecca Bligh and Colleen Hardwick.

This is not your grandfather’s Non-Partisan Association. Welcome to the No-Phallus Alliance.

Hardwick, the daughter of late alderman and professor Walter Hardwick, mulled a run for the party’s mayoral nomination early this year. Will she do so again in three years, when October 2022 comes into focus? 

The mercurial De Genova is bound to butt heads with councillors on the far left, COPE’s Jean Swanson and OneCity’s Christine Boyle. Expect Green Coun. Adriane Carr to play a moderating role. Her 69,885 votes were the most on the entire ballot in 2018 and she could make a viable run for mayor in 2022. She won’t be a one-woman band this time around, with support from newcomers Pete Fry and ex-park board chair Michael Wiebe.

Vancouver city hall (Mackin)

Does Sadhu Johnston stay as city manager?

Gregor Robertson brought Penny Ballem into city hall in 2008 and cast her aside in 2015. Her ex-deputy, Sadhu Johnston, has been city manager for the last three years. It wouldn’t be cheap to dispatch Johnston, who is the top-paid official at $338,000-a-year.

Why did Coalition Vancouver, Vancouver 1st and Yes Vancouver run?

Three parties who were confused about their mission. They seemed to be aiming to defeat the NPA, rather than seeking to win city hall.

Kennedy Stewart had 14,000 more votes than his only viable left-wing challenger, Shauna Sylvester. On the right, Coalition Vancouver’s Wai Young (11,886), Yes Vancouver’s Hector Bremner (9,940) and Vancouver 1st’s Fred Harding (5,645) tallied votes that Sim needed. None of the candidates for Coalition, Yes or 1st were threats for other offices. Bremner was the big loser. He was elected to city council in the 2017 by-election with 13,372 votes. Bremner’s BC Liberal and lobbying baggage, the controversy around the Peter Wall-financed billboards and Facebook group and his car salesman approach to campaigning were the reasons why he failed to win more than 10,000 votes.

The NPA itself can’t escape culpability. If it had a big tent with a solid board and proper marshalling of those inside, it wouldn’t have turned into a circus big top. The 2018 election was its to lose. The first mistake was becoming a place of refuge for out-of-work BC Liberals, like the under-qualified Bremner and his mentor, Mark Marissen, in 2017.

Why was Fred Harding in the race?

The sleeper candidate seemed to be asleep.

Because of his background, ex-senior West Vancouver police officer Fred Harding was best-positioned to make law and order an issue in a city grappling with transnational money laundering and drug gangs that have killed innocents. By way of his position as the face and voice of the force, Harding had the most media training and experience of them all. He has a singer/model wife beloved in the Chinese community and he even vaguely looked like Barack Obama.

Fred Harding (Vancouver 1st)

But he was running for a party that purposely ran candidates in every slot, automatically creating a fundraising nightmare that it tried to solve by spending much of its time marketing to Chinese donors and voters. The party’s signs looked more like a personal injury law firm than a political party.

Without a viable plan or budget, Vancouver 1st only gained mainstream attention by pledging to bring the NBA back to Vancouver and to lure a Major League Baseball franchise. They even suggested building a stadium in South Vancouver. The party that was the voice of community sports and recreation in 2014 jumped the shark in 2018 with a vague plan to house professional sports franchises.

Harding’s biggest mistake was the anti-SOGI video that led to a school board candidate quitting the party.

Will big money be gone next time?

Maybe, maybe not. New parties stood no chance. The NPA had a war chest of at least $830,000 and a brand with history. The Greens, COPE and OneCity benefited from the Vancouver and District Labour endorsement and spending. Will we ever find out how much the unions really spent or just their advertising costs? The NDP left too many loopholes in the campaign finance law and Municipal Affairs Minister Selina Robinson acknowledged the playing field was not level. 

Former Vision park board commissioner Sarah Blyth was the top independent for city council, with 29,515. That was more than 14,000 votes below the NPA’s Sarah Kirby-Yung, who claimed the 10th and last seat.

Why so slow to get the results?

At 2:21 p.m. on the afternoon of Oct. 22, NPA leader Ken Sim conceded, congratulated mayor-elect Kennedy Stewart and apologized for the delay. But that’s not the delay we should be wondering about.

Within a half-hour of the polls closing in Toronto on Oct. 22, Mayor John Tory was declared re-elected. In Vancouver on Oct. 20, there was nothing for more than 75 minutes.

There are 1,800 polls in Toronto. The results flowed fast. In Vancouver, it was like molasses.

There were widespread problems with voting machines in Vancouver, chalked up to the length of the ballot. That caused long lineups. Vancouver voting station staff must pack-up and deliver the counting machines to city hall.

Can someone do something about the number of candidates?

Only if the NDP is brave enough to implement a two-step process, like the U.S. A springtime run-off election to cut the field in half would encourage earlier engagement in the process.

The 71 city council candidates and 21 mayoral candidates were too much. Counting school board and park board, there were 158 names on the lengthy ballot. It should also become harder to run, by doubling or even quadrupling the number of endorsement signatures to 100. Voters should be faced with a ballot containing the names of people who want to serve the public for four years, rather than folks who simply want attention during the four-week campaign.

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Bob Mackin What next for Vision? Or should

Research Co. pollster Mario Canseco predicted Kennedy Stewart, Ken Sim and Shauna Sylvester would battle to become the next Mayor of Vancouver on Oct. 20. But he didn’t predict it would take until early Oct. 21 before ex-NDP MP Stewart edged the NPA’s Sim by less than 1,000 votes to become the successor to Gregor Robertson. 

It was a night that Robertson’s party, Vision Vancouver, was wiped-off city council and a right-wing split cost the NPA a return to the mayor’s chair. It was also a night that the Vancouver Greens tripled their seats on city council.  

Stewart, said Simon Fraser University’s city program director Andy Yan, will have to act as a civic engineer to build bridges instead of build walls with a diverse city council that features five NPA members, three from the Greens and one each from COPE and OneCity.

It was also a night that saw retired fire chief Mike Hurley extinguish the dynasty of Mayor Derek Corrigan in Burnaby. The man who shelved his bid for the mayoralty and endorsed Hurley, DOA leader Joe Keithley, prevented another Burnaby Citizens Association sweep of city council. Keithley finally got elected to public office after campaigning in elections when he was not recording or touring with the hardcore punk pioneers. 

On this special edition of theBreaker.news Podcast, host Bob Mackin elicited immediate reaction to the historic night of change from the pollster, Canseco, the prof, Yan, and the punk, Keithley. 

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Research Co. pollster Mario Canseco predicted Kennedy

Bob Mackin

British Columbia’s 2018 municipal elections will go down in history as the nastiest yet.

In Victoria, the fireworks weren’t between Mike “The Lobbyist” Geoghegan and Mayor Lisa “Statue Stasher” Helps. Instead, Geoghegan’s camp complained to the Law Society of B.C. about rival Stephen Hammond for allegedly paying a fraudster, who is wanted by Victoria Police, to defame Geoghegan on Facebook. Hammond denied the allegations.

New West Progressives’ leader Daniel Fontaine complained to the Office of the Information and Privacy Commissioner about an apparent Personal Information Privacy Act breach by the band of incumbents.

Michael Geoghegan

Mayor Jonathan X. Cote waved a magic wand and declared members of his slate to be independents. That meant they were able to raise more money individually than as a member of a party, under the new campaign finance regime. Fontaine complained that “Team Cote” candidates showed up in pairs, often with an NDP MP or MLA, to knock on doors, and were sharing voter information.

“This should be no surprise as they have all been endorsed by the powerful New Westminster District Labour Council, big supporters of the NDP party,” Fontaine wrote on his blog.

OIPC told Fontaine: “If an independent candidate wishes to collect personal information and disclose it to another candidate, they must obtain consent from the individual.”

Late in the campaign, CUPE B.C. complained to Elections BC that B.C. Care Providers radio ads, starring CEO Fontaine, were election advertising in the broadest sense, because the ads helped boost Fontaine’s profile at the same time as the unrelated election. It will be up to the regulator to decide whether the complaint was, as Fontaine said, frivolous.

New Westminster city hall chose to buy newspaper ads rather than send cards to every address in the Royal City. Fontaine said that was a form of voter suppression. Campaigns in North Vancouver City and Richmond raised eyebrows for sending mail-outs that were designed to look like official communication from city hall.

North Vancouver City Hall referred the matter to Elections BC, which ruled the envelopes containing candidate flyers for mayoral hopeful Guy Heywood and others were not illegal. Registered third-parties like Vancouver and District Labour Council and CUPE B.C. sent postcards numbering in the six figures containing lists of endorsed candidates throughout the region.

Vancouver parties — except for Coalition Vancouver and Vancouver 1st — released their lists of donors. The NPA led them all with more than $830,000. It was a different story in Surrey, where the three main parties kept their lists under wraps. Meanwhile, two persons of interest could be charged under the Criminal Code or Local Government Act related to the Surrey RCMP’s investigation into voter fraud. The Wake Up Surrey anti-crime group alleged vote-buying.

The Surrey story was quickly eclipsed by the Richmond WeChat vote-buying scandal, which was run out of an expats society with links to the Communist Party of China and its United Front foreign influence program. On election eve, Richmond RCMP said it had insufficient evidence to lay charges, but its probe was ongoing.

Coun. Hector Bremner feigned ignorance about who was behind a billboard and Facebook campaign that ended before the Sept. 22 start to the election period. The Globe and Mail eventually revealed that Peter Wall, the prominent developer behind Vision Vancouver and BC Liberals, spent $85,000 and even hired a former BC Liberal caucus aide, Micah Haince, to run the campaign.

Graphics from the Peter Wall-financed Facebook campaign.

The pro-Bremner Vancouverites for Affordable Housing Facebook group was removed by the social media company, just as an anti-Ken Sim group that made baseless allegations against the leader of the NPA, which earlier rejected Bremner’s candidacy. Haince did not respond to theBreaker’s query. 

When Bremner released his list of donors for his new Yes Vancouver party, the names of Wall’s ex-wife, daughter, grandson and cousin were all there at the $1,200 maximum, each.

The Vancouver campaign was so dull. (How dull was it?) It was so dull, that campaign finance reform meant no TV attack ads and the only major fireworks occurred between Kennedy Stewart’s campaign manager and a Ken Sim campaign aide.

“When you say that there are organizers paid by unions, working on his campaign, you are libelling him,” Stewart manager Neil Monckton said, on a phone call recorded and released by the NPA’s Mike Jagger.

“Because you’re saying that’s untrue?” said Jagger, who drew attention to Stewart’s in-kind union support on social media.

“Mike, I’m not going to fuck around anymore here,” Monckton shot back. “Just take it down, or I’m going to have to follow up with a stronger, you know, kind of approach.”

The Stewart campaign went into election day under investigation by the city’s election office for holding a news conference in the city hall precinct on Oct. 16, during the advance voting station’s hours at city hall. Any campaign activity with 100 metres of a voting station is punishable by a maximum $5,000 fine and/or a year in jail. Monckton said the event was 108.74 metres from the door.  

An NPA supporter was seen circling the parking lot of the Ross Street Sikh Temple voting station, in late afternoon of election day, with a pickup truck plastered with signs promoting Sim, city council candidate David Grewal and Park Board candidate Pall Beesla. theBreaker obtained a video clip shot by a concerned citizen, who is heard saying that NPA supporters were also distributing leaflets with the candidates’ names. 

theBreaker reported that CUPE Local 15, the union representing city hall workers, offered to reimburse workers that took time-off to join one of the Vancouver and District Labour Council-endorsed campaigns — including that of mayoral candidate Kennedy Stewart.

“Everyone — unions and business groups and property developers — knows very well what the spirit of the law was meant to be and they should be rising to the spirit of the law, not plummeting to the letter of the law,” said IntegrityBC’s Dermod Travis.

BC Liberal Todd Stone reminded NDP Municipal Affairs Minister Selina Robinson in Question Period on Oct. 18 that the BC Liberals warned her about “the gaping loophole that she left in local campaign financing legislation last fall.”

Specifically, Stone said, no limits on third-party contributions, which made a mockery of local elections across the province.

“Now we learn that the NDP’s friends and insiders are exploiting this loophole, just as the minister most likely intended — in Vancouver, Burnaby, New Westminster, the Tri-Cities and the North Shore — all over the Lower Mainland, on behalf of 26 union-endorsed candidates.”

Robinson predictably reminded the Liberals that, when they were in office, there were no rules about the size or source of campaign donations.

“I want to remind the members that, under their watch, there was a $943,000 contribution — this was in local elections — and they absolutely refused to do anything about it,” Robinson said, referring to Rob Macdonald’s big donation to the NPA in 2011.

“I think it’s important to also recognize that the third-party rules were introduced by the previous government back in 2015. This is their legislation.”

Stone spoke of internal VDLC email that reveals four full-time staff, 100,000 voter cards, $10,000 reimbursements per union staff campaign volunteer, direct mail, door-to-door canvassing, phone bank calls, data collection and sharing, and even voter identification and get-out-the-vote activities, “all of which doesn’t have to be disclosed as third-party contributions.”

Former Finance Minister Mike de Jong got up and asked whether the NDP itself was giving support to certain candidates.

“Well, long-time NDP supporter Derek Corrigan, the baron of Burnaby, is in trouble,” de Jong said. “He’s facing a genuine challenge from a professional firefighter, Michael Hurley. Again I ask the minister: will she assure this House and British Columbians today that her party isn’t using her loophole to help her friend Derek Corrigan?”

That sounds a bit like an accusation,” Robinson said. “That’s a very serious accusation. So I’m a little bit offended, actually, I have to say, by that intended accusation, which is completely inappropriate. Elections B.C. will certainly be taking a look to make sure that everyone has followed the rules.”

Coincidentally, Stone and de Jong are two BC Liberals who have used the services of Aggregate IQ, the Victoria social media political consultancy that is under investigation related to digital dirty tricks in Canada, the U.K. and U.S. 

Wei Qiao Zhang was photoshopped out of the Vision team photo (Twitter)

The Toronto company that blew the Calgary election prediction in 2017 did an early September poll that omitted several candidates and parties. But Mainstreet Research included the name of a Vision Vancouver supporter’s baby. Its shorter, early October poll also included errors by omission. It wasn’t released publicly. 

OneCity’s Brandon Yan convinced civic election officials to place a name in Chinese characters beside his name on the ballot, despite his filings indicating his full name was Brandon Oliver Yan. Coalition Vancouver school board candidates Ken Denike and Sophia Woo filed their court challenge in the B.C. Supreme Court, rather than the Provincial Court.

Early in the final week of candidate registration, Vision Vancouver’s Ian Campbell dropped out when it was revealed that he had not told the party of a stayed charge of domestic assault from 2010. So ended a candidacy that was questioned from the start. The Squamish Nation development dealmaker had been perceived as too close to the Aquilinis and too aggressive on plans to build towers on band land in Point Grey.

On the last day of the campaign, city council candidate Wei Qiao Zhang’s Vision endorsement was withdrawn by the party for an unexplained misconduct that allegedly occurred recently. The party, whose only city council incumbent is Heather Deal, photoshopped Zhang from its team photo, duplicated school board candidate Aaron Leung’s right arm and stuck it onto city council candidate Diego Cardona. Vision trickery, right to the bitter end! 

Documents emerged about Sim’s April 1989 Pender Street Mustang car crash. Sim had been cited for dangerous driving, but pleaded guilty to failing to stop for a police officer. He was out for a night with his buddies, including his rival for the NPA leadership, Glen Chernen. Sim cleverly said that his 18-year-old self was not prepared to be mayor. Less attention was paid to Cardona’s unimpressive driving record than Coalition Vancouver mayoral candidate Wai Young and her distracted driving ticket. Her make-up equipment apparently resembled a mobile phone. 

Derek Palaschuk, a lawyer for Coalition Vancouver city council candidate Chernen, unsuccessfully applied to force deputy election official Janice Lowe’s removal from duty. Palaschuk had earlier registered as a third-party election sponsor with Elections BC.

Lowe’s husband is former city hall real estate director Mike Flanigan. Chernen had complained to the RCMP about alleged sweetheart land deals with Vision Vancouver-friendly developers during Flanigan’s time in the department, such as the controversial Brenhill land swap near Yaletown.

Chief Election Officer Rosemary Hagiwara said in reply that Lowe swore a declaration to faithfully and impartially perform the duties of her office. She would not be stepping down.

Meanwhile, back in Richmond, the city’s top election official, city clerk David Weber, issued a memo to candidates and slates during the middle of election day after reports of misbehaviour by scrutineers.

Some scrutineers had taken photographs and recorded personal information in voting stations. “The usual processing of voters by election staff must not be impeded in any way by scrutineers wishing to examine the voting books,” Weber wrote.

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Bob Mackin British Columbia's 2018 municipal elections will

Bob Mackin

A former candidate for Mayor of Vancouver says local governments and Elections BC need to do a better job of educating the region’s Chinese community about elections and enforcing laws around voting to avoid allegations of vote-buying in the next election.

They also need to beef-up social studies curriculum in order to increase voter turnout.

Chinese community activist Meena Wong outside Vancouver city hall (Mackin)

“We need to rise up and say to our provincial government, hey you need to do more in civic education,” said Meena Wong, who finished third in 2014 with COPE. “Not just among newcomers, but local born and grown, they need to learn about the importance of civic participation. My biggest worry is that the community at-large sees the Chinese community in one stroke and paints all the candidates and everybody in the Chinese community as crooks. A few bad apples happens in every community.”

The Civic Engagement Network’s Wong said she was distressed by the Canada Wenzhou Friendship Society offering on WeChat to pay a $20 “transportation subsidy” and recommending certain candidates to vote for in Vancouver, Richmond and Burnaby. Most of the same candidates attended a donation ceremony at the society’s clubhouse in late August. The WeChat message prompted an RCMP investigation. On Oct. 19, the Richmond detachment said it had insufficient evidence to pursue criminal or election act charges, but its investigation into potential voter manipulation continues.

The 2016 Census found one in five people in Metro Vancouver is ethnic Chinese. Wong said there are 63 ethnic Chinese candidates running in the Oct. 20 municipal elections, which could lead to more Chinese voters and campaign donors.

The Canadian Alliance of Chinese Associations did its part to mobilize the community when it published a Chinese and English guide to the region’s municipal elections. But CACA is known for being friendly with the People’s Republic of China government. It was behind a controversial Chinese national day flag-raising ceremony outside Vancouver city hall in 2016 that divided the local Chinese community.

In the Rise Weekly special edition, CACA executive chair Yongtao Chen urged more Chinese to run for public office, so they could have an influence on local government decisions. Chen boasted of one example of the impact of political action in Richmond, where city council tried to enact new limits on the size of farmland mansions. Agriculture advocates worry that the real estate boom will harm Richmond’s food supply.

Municipal election guide financed by a pro-Beijing group. (Rise Weekly)

“In a poll regarding house size restrictions on farmland this year in Richmond, the Chinese and Indians cooperated, and this led to a 6-3 vote which resulted in denying the restriction proposal,” Chen wrote. “This was the first time these two minority groups have cooperated and it was a shining example of how it could affect government decisions. Afterwards, the Chinese suggested that Chinese, Indians, and other minority farmers together should form the Richmond from land owners association. Not only did this help minority groups affirm their rights, But it also pushed multiculturalism in Canada into the forefront.”

Chen could not be reached for comment.

The Canada Wenzhou Friendship Society is one of dozens of organizations under Richmond-based CACA’s umbrella. The society’s website said it raised $26,000 for political donations to Richmond mayoral candidate Hong Guo and Chinese-Canadian politicians from Coalition Vancouver, Vision Vancouver, Burnaby Citizens Association, Richmond First and Richmond Community Coalition. Only RCC incumbent councillor Chak Au and Richmond First candidate Peter Liu have responded to theBreaker. They both denied that their campaigns have received money from the society or its directors. Only individuals can make donations under new laws. Official returns are due to Elections BC 90 days after the election.

Wong worries that the activities of Beijing-friendly organizations like CACA mean that B.C. is experiencing meddling from the Chinese government’s United Front program.

“There’s already Australia and New Zealand talking about foreign influence in the electoral process and in government. I hope that the RCMP serious crime unit is going to really look into this, find out and follow the money about what is happening in Canada.”

Wong said she was shocked by comments from Richmond mayoral hopeful Guo. In an Oct. 2 interview with theBreaker, the real estate and immigration lawyer aiming to beat Malcolm Brodie denied that China has a human rights problem.

Richmond candidates Hong Guo, Chak Au and Peter Liu in the front row with Vision Vancouver’s Wei Qiao Zhang at the Aug. 26 fundraiser. (Wenzhouren.ca)

“I’m a bit taken aback when I hear candidates deny human rights abuse, and deny facts that are being recognized by many, from the United Nations to Amnesty International to Human Rights Watch. These are all credible organizations.”

She is also concerned by politicians who divert attention from China’s human rights record by criticizing Canada’s imperfections.

Liu said Richmond has to “respect everybody, we respect the difference,” even China. Pressed further about concerns with China, he said: “Right now I cannot comment on international relationships with other countries because I’m running for city council and focussing on the city only.” 

Asked if he would acknowledge China’s human rights problems, Au said that “every society has their own problems; Canada is not perfect.”

“Look at our record on the First Nations. Working towards common understanding and reconciliation is important,” he said.

Said Wong: “It’s different, we are democratic, we can criticize our government. Canadians need to stand up and say these are values we hold. Trade is important, but with principle.”

Wong, 57, was born in China and moved to Hong Kong at age 11 to escape the Cultural Revolution. She came to Canada as a 19-year-old student and said it is vital to get out and vote on Oct. 20, if you are: a Canadian citizen, 18 and over, who has lived in B.C. for at least six months and lived in or owned property in a municipality for at least 30 days. 

“People complain so much but they don’t engage. They say it’s dirty. I say it’s dirty because you don’t get involved,” she said. “Whatever the government we get, we are responsible as voters.”

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Bob Mackin A former candidate for Mayor of

Bob Mackin

In Vancouver, will a left-wing split or right-wing split determine the successor to Mayor Gregor Robertson?

Former Burnaby NDP MP Kennedy Stewart leads opinion polls and he boasts a big labour-endorsed slate of candidates handpicked from COPE, OneCity, Vision Vancouver and the Vancouver Greens.

Ex-Vision Vancouver board member Shauna Sylvester could be Stewart’s biggest obstacle and NPA leader Ken Sim’s best ally. Newcomer David Chen of ProVancouver, with his thoughtful policy platform, could also be a spoiler, grabbing votes from both right and left.

NPA mayoral hopeful Ken Sim and fellow candidates (Mackin)

The historic-first, random-order ballot features 21 candidates vying for mayor and a whopping 71 seeking the 10 city council seats.

The NPA should have simply waltzed-in to victory, after Robertson decided in January to retire at term-end. Vision’s third term was its most-difficult, as it lost talent and donors to the Trudeau Liberals and Horgan NDP. When it finally decided to pick a leader, Squamish Nation chief Ian Campbell eventually dropped-out during the last week of candidate registration after a stayed domestic violence charge from 2010 was revealed.

Sim is the mild-mannered seniors care and bagel franchising specialist backed by Lululemon founder Chip Wilson. Four women are the party’s best hope for city council: incumbent Melissa De Genova, School Board trustee Lisa Dominato, Park Board commissioner Sarah Kirby-Yung and Colleen Hardwick, a tech entrepreneur and ex-film producer. Hardwick’s late father was professor and alderman Walter Hardwick. Her grandmother Iris was the first woman elected to the Park Board. Colleen Hardwick has been a rare voice to question the wisdom of spending $3 billion on a SkyTrain subway to Arbutus instead of a light rail tram all the way to University of B.C. for the same price or less.

Sim, however, has three competitors for the mayor’s chair on the right side of the political spectrum. All formerly of the NPA, all with an axe to grind with the city’s oldest political party. Which begs the question: Are Yes Vancouver, Coalition Vancouver and Vancouver 1st running to gain power at city hall or are they running to defeat the NPA? 

Lobbyist-cum-politician Hector Bremner took advantage of a left-wing split and low turnout to win a by-election council seat in fall 2017 for the NPA. The NPA board gave thumbs down to his mayoral bid after he opted to remain a full-time vice-president at the Pace Group lobbying and PR firm while acting as a part-time councillor. Bremner quit to form his own party, which copped its Yes Vancouver brand from a businesswomen’s charity.

Coalition Vancouver is ex-Conservative MP Wai Young’s populist vehicle that skews toward the Chinese community. She, too, was rebuffed by the NPA board, but earlier than Bremner. Her brash team markets an “anti-bike lanes, free parking, save the viaducts and clean-up parks” message to voters on the Westside and South Vancouver. Ex-NPA members Ken Charko and Glen Chernen are on the council ticket.

Jesse Johl’s Vancouver 1st found ex-West Vancouver Police spokesman Fred Harding in August to run for mayor. Ex-NPA member Johl resurrected Vancouver 1st just in time for the 2018 campaign. Harding, like Young, has focused on Chinese voters. He only got positive mainstream attention with a trial balloon promise to pursue franchises in the NBA and Major League Baseball. A video in which he criticized the province’s sexual orientation/gender identity guidelines, which are aimed at stopping bullying in schools, prompted school board candidate Tony Dong to quit the party.

Rob McDowell, a 2014 NPA council candidate rejected by Sim, and Erin Shum, a Park Board commissioner who quit the NPA caucus, are running as independents.

The NPA, however, has an $830,000-plus war chest. More than all of its competitors, combined. Will that translate into a winning get-out-the-vote operation and a return to power after a decade in the wilderness? Or sour grapes for the party with the logo that resembles a monogrammed grape?

Surrey at a turning point

In British Columbia’s second-biggest municipality, Surrey First’s reign is in jeopardy.

The slate founded by Dianne Watts was rocked when Linda Hepner changed her mind earlier this year and decided to call it quits after one term as mayor.

Councillors Bruce Hayne, Barb Steele and Dave Woods split to form their own party, Integrity Now, with Hayne as the mayoral candidate.

Surrey First’s Tom Gill

Doug McCallum, the mayor from 1996 to 2005, is trying again for a comeback with his Safe Surrey Coalition. He was runner-up in 2014.

Hepner passed the Surrey First leadership torch to Coun. Tom Gill, who is aiming to become the first South Asian mayor in a municipality where South Asians are one-third of the 518,000 population.

The election has been brimming with controversy. RCMP investigated voter fraud after a complaint from the anti-crime group Wake Up Surrey. Detectives found 67 of 73 mail-in ballot applications were fraudulent. Two persons of interest are under investigation. Police have yet to find evidence of vote-buying, but the probe is ongoing.

McCallum has set the tone, by framing the campaign as a SkyTrain vs. LRT race. He wants the more-expensive form of rapid transit, to connect with Langley; Gill favours building Surrey around trams. McCallum also wants to dump the RCMP and start a municipal force.

Gill opponents noticed when Ripudaman Singh Malik, the businessman acquitted of planning the Air India bombing in 1985, showed up at a Surrey First campaign event. Gill also faced criticism for passing on a question about crime reduction when it was his turn at a debate. He claimed afterward that he was suffering from low blood sugar, though he did remain on stage and answer questions after that round of the debate.

Surrey First’s secrecy rivals Vision Vancouver’s. In one instance, theBreaker attempted to access 10 internal audit reports from 2017. Instead of releasing the full reports, as the law says it must, Surrey city hall released mild, two-sentence summaries. Topics included reviews of accounts payable, cash handling, RCMP fleet management, and utilities billing.

Corrigan’s last stand?

In Burnaby, history could repeat on Oct. 20 if Mayor Derek Corrigan does not.

The Burnaby Citizens Association came to power in 1987 under fire chief Bill Copeland and it could be extinguished by a retired fire chief.

Five-term Burnaby Mayor Derek Corrigan (Facebook)

Challenger Mike Hurley came to Vancouver in 1983 from a town near Derry in Northern Ireland as a 25-year-old and became a firefighter five years later. Corrigan, who was elected to city council in 1987, has been mayor since 2002, one year less than Richmond’s Malcolm Brodie.

NDP stalwart Corrigan, who is also the head of the TransLink Mayors’ Council, has been roundly criticized for leading a one-party council that rubber-stamped luxury towers in Brentwood and Metrotown, many sold offshore, at the expense of older apartment buildings populated by working class renters.

Hurley said the city needs to slow down development and review its community planning.

“The average salary of people living in [Metrotown] is $47,500, 53% of the people in that area earn less than $47000,” Hurley said in an interview. “With just a singular focus on luxury condominiums that forced a lot of those people to move further out and, in turn, we’re losing a lot of our workforce. Now we’re starting to hear a lot of complaints from the business community that they’re having a hard time finding workers.”

Burnaby mayoral challenger Mike Hurley

DOA’s Joe Keithley of the Green Party had originally intended to challenge Corrigan, but chose to endorse Hurley and run for a city council seat.

Hurley, who is endorsed by the New Westminster District Labour Council, said he has raised $200,000 since beginning his campaign five months ago. By comparison, theBreaker exclusively reported that BCA had $500,000 in its election account and $77,000 in a general account last November, just in time for the NDP’s campaign finance law that bans donations from companies and unions and caps individual donations at $1,200. In 2014, BCA spent almost $474,000 after it raised just over half-a-million dollars. A majority came from companies.

The battle of Burnaby is unique for another reason. Hurley hails from Magherafelt in Northern Ireland, where he grew up playing Gaelic football. Corrigan is the great-grandson of County Laois, Ireland, native James Corrigan.

“The Irish are always prepared to stand up for what they believe, I’m sure that’s what Mr. Corrigan is doing, that’s what I’m doing as well,” Hurley said. “We’ll see on Saturday which person of Irish descent will come out on top.”

“I believe I’ve lived through some very difficult times [in Northern Ireland]. We need to bring people together, all people together, to make sure we’re working in the interests of all the citizens in Burnaby. Unfortunately we seem to have lost the way a bit there as far as listening to the needs of all people in Burnaby, I hope to bring that back after the election.”

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Bob Mackin In Vancouver, will a left-wing split