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Bob Mackin The owner of the Vancouver Canucks

Ex-NDP government spin doctor now lobbying for vaccine maker

Bob Mackin

The veteran NDP operative who led the B.C. government’s health communications for almost a year has become a lobbyist for coronavirus vaccine maker AstraZeneca.

Jeffrey Ferrier was executive director of communications for the Ministry of Health from April 2021 to January 2022, one of the deadliest periods in provincial history.

Ex-B.C. NDP health communications director Jeffrey Ferrier (left) and Deputy Minister of government communications Don Zadravec (LinkedIn)

Ferrier’s April 1 registration showed up April 12 on the Office of the Registrar of Lobbyists website. It says he wants to arrange meetings between his U.K.-based client and officials in the Ministry of Health and Ministry of Jobs, Economic Recovery and Innovation “to encourage the B.C. government to recognize the importance of AstraZeneca Canada’s investments in research and development in B.C.’s healthcare bioscience ecosystem, and to providing innovative approaches to management of the health care system.”

Under NDP government amendments to B.C.’s lobbying act, former public office holders are subject to a two-year, post-employment ban on lobbying the government. However, the law does not apply to all public office holders, only those who worked in the following positions: members of cabinet, parliamentary secretaries, deputy ministers, assistant deputy ministers, officers, directors and employees of a Crown corporation, and anyone, other than administrative support staff, formerly employed in a current or former cabinet member’s office.

In Ferrier’s case, he does not qualify as a former public officer under the Lobbyists Transparency Act, because he was officially employed in the Government Communications and Public Engagement department.

AstraZeneca is best-known for its viral vector coronavirus vaccine developed with Oxford University. It briefly became the mainstay in the province’s COVID-19 vaccine arsenal in spring 2021 after Pfizer and Moderna supply delays and even Premier John Horgan rolled up his sleeve for the jab. Then came credible reports of adverse reactions and uptake rapidly declined. AstraZeneca also developed Evusheld to help guard immunocompromised people from the virus and sells a suite of cancer-fighting drugs. In 2020-21, AstraZeneca billed Provincial Health Services Authority, which buys medical supplies for the government, $6.3 million.

Ferrier was director of communications for the Ontario NDP from 2001 to 2008 and spent eight years as a lobbyist with Fleishman Hillard and National Public Relations prior to the government job. His previously lobbying clients included Johnson and Johnson, B.C. Pharmacy Association, Uber Canada, Sobeys Inc., Bombardier, Chevron Canada and TransCanada Pipelines. In February, he joined the Vancouver office of international firm Hill and Knowlton as senior vice president of public affairs and advocacy.

During Ferrier’s time heading government health communications, the NDP was harshly criticized for withholding information about the pandemic — including hospital admissions and rates of local infection and vaccination — and failing to warn the public ahead of the June 2021 “heat dome” that led to the deaths of nearly 600 people.

Ferrier did not respond for comment.

Ferrier was not the first senior Ministry of Health communicator to leave for a lobbying company.

In May 2021, NDP operative Jean-Marc Prevost registered for an AstraZeneca supplier, the Canadian division of Emergent BioSolutions. Prevost was Dr. Bonnie Henry’s scriptwriter and left his job as strategic communications director for the Ministry of Health to join former NDP campaign manager Brad Lavigne’s Counsel Public Affairs as a vice-president for Western Canada.

Democracy Watch’s Duff Conacher

Prevost’s registration said the topic of his lobbying was to increase access in B.C. to Emergent’s Narcan nasal spray emergency treatment for opioid overdoses.

At the time, a lobbying watchdog called such a move a conflict of interest.

“It’s always unethical for someone to be leaving government in a significant position and starting to lobby right away, especially if they’re lobbying in the same area that they worked in government,” said Duff Conacher, co-founder of DemocracyWatch. “There should be a cooling-off period for everyone, on a sliding scale, based on your connections in government, your relations in government, the access to information you had.”

At Counsel, Prevost also lobbies for HumanisRx, CareRx Corp., North York Rehabilitation Centre Corp., B.C. Real Estate Association, Insurance Council of B.C., Toyota Canada, and Encorp Pacific.

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April 15, 2022

Bob Mackin The veteran NDP operative who led

Business, News, Sports

Hefty price tag if Vancouver hosts matches during the 2026 World Cup

Bob Mackin

If FIFA picks Vancouver to host matches during the 2026 World Cup, it could cost taxpayers up to $260 million.

FIFA announced April 14 that it had added Vancouver to its list of candidate cities vying to host the 48-nation tournament in four years. It expects to decide on 16 host cities by June. U.S. cities will share 60 matches, with Canada and Mexico getting 10 apiece.

Minister Melanie Mark (NDP)

“While estimated costs are still being evaluated, preliminary planning shows costs in the range of $240 million to $260 million for planning, staging and hosting FIFA events in B.C.” said a prepared statement attributed to Tourism Minister Melanie Mark. “We expect the federal government will also make contributions to these costs, and the City of Vancouver has pledged support.”

On March 15, Vancouver Mayor Kennedy Stewart said he wanted city council to commit $5 million. In 2015, city hall gave Women’s World Cup organizers $1.2 million for a fan festival at Larwill Park. The province granted FIFA $2 million, which amounted to free rent at B.C. Place Stadium.

Vancouver’s return to contention comes just over four years after Premier John Horgan said the NDP government wouldn’t give FIFA a “blank cheque.” Vancouver was excluded from the winning U.S.-led bid when the B.C. NDP government couldn’t reach an agreement over extra costs for matches at B.C. Place Stadium.

Toronto, Montreal and Edmonton were in the 2018 proposal. But, last July, Montreal withdrew due to rising costs.

How many matches could B.C. Place host for a quarter-billion-dollars? That is not clear, but it could be similar to the five contemplated for Toronto. City hall staff there estimated that would cost $290 million, so they asked the federal and Ontario governments to pay two-thirds of the bill, or $177 million. FIFA is expected to pay just $12.7 million.

Back in 2018, Toronto bureaucrats estimated the cost to be $30 million to $45 million, but the Canadian Soccer Association and FIFA have since shifted more hosting requirements onto city hall, Exhibition Place, Destination Toronto and the owners of Toronto FC.

“This exercise – which considered the full breadth of the host city agreement – saw a rise in costs in several areas such as security, stadium adaptation and expansion, and preparation of training sites,” the report said. “City staff anticipate that there are areas where savings can be secured given that there is time available for lower cost alternatives to be identified and for FIFA requirements to be negotiated.”

Inside B.C. Place Stadium (Mackin)

Toronto has committed to providing FIFA with BMO Field, training sites, a 34-day FanFest and transportation and safety and security services. FIFA is also demanding an addendum to the 2018 agreement for upgrades and rental costs at BMO Field.

“Signing the contractual addendum has been identified by FIFA as mandatory to remain in contention for host city selection,” the report said.

In return for spending $290 million, Toronto estimates a $307 million economic impact, with 3,300 jobs and 174,000 overnight visitors, resulting in $3.5 million municipal accommodation tax revenue.

The B.C. government claims that Destination B.C. and B.C. Stats estimate the west coast tourism industry could attract more than $1 billion in new revenue “during and in the five years following the event.” The Ministry did not include the methodology.

Prof. Victor Matheson, a sports economist at the College of the Holy Cross in Worcester, Mass., has studied mega-events. While there can be benefits, they don’t live up to the hype generated by the organizers who benefit from the subsidies.

Large sporting events like World Cups and Olympics supplant, rather than supplement, the regular tourist economy, Matheson said.

“There’s no reason that again, taxpayers in Vancouver or in Boston, where I am, should be subsidizing a private entity run by millionaires generating billions of dollars,” Matheson said.

After Russia hosted the 2018 World Cup, FIFA reported that US$5.35 billion revenue from the tournament contributed to its record US$6.42 billion, four-year haul. Its 2021 financial statements boast US$3.4 billion assets and US$1.6 billion in reserves.

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April 15, 2022

Bob Mackin If FIFA picks Vancouver to host

Business, News, Sports

Vancouver city council denies Hardwick motion for vote on 2030 Olympics bid

Bob Mackin

Coun. Colleen Hardwick’s motion to get the Vancouver 2030 Winter Olympics bid on this fall’s election ballot fell flat at the April 12 city council meeting.

NPA Coun. Collen Hardwick (Mackin)

Hardwick, who is running for mayor under the TEAM for a Livable Vancouver banner, could not find another councillor to second her motion, which would have opened debate and allowed public speakers. She withdrew the motion from the March 29 meeting, fearing lack of support.

She said taxpayers deserve a say on hosting another multibillion-dollar mega-event, especially since so many questions remain about the costs of organizing the 2010 Winter Olympics.

The 2003 standalone plebiscite, passed by almost 65% of 135,000 voters, cost $575,000 and led to winning the 2010 hosting rights. Hardwick said adding a yes or no question to the Oct. 15 civic election ballot would cost little or nothing and could bring more citizens to the polls.

“The International Olympic Committee looks favourably on bids that have demonstrated community support,” Hardwick said to fellow council members. “So why would we not have an open and democratic process given all these considerations?”

Mayor Kennedy Stewart did not speak to the motion. He had publicly opposed the motion, claiming it contravened a memorandum of understanding signed with the Resort Municipality of Whistler and the Musqueam, Squamish and Tsleil-Waututh nations.

Hardwick said it was up to Vancouver city council to be responsible to its electorate. None of the civic staff that ensure motions are compliant expressed a concern about the MOU, which explicitly states it is not legally binding for any party.

“So does this council support our citizens’ right to vote or not?” Hardwick asked. “Someone really needs to second this motion and to get it on the table. We have speakers signed up. Let them speak.”

Mayor Kennedy Stewart and the new city council on Nov. 5 (Mackin)

Only councillors Adriane Carr, Rebecca Bligh, Melissa De Genova and Sarah Kirby-Yung spoke, all with questions critical of Hardwick’s motion. De Genova was concerned about costs incurred by first nations so far, while Carr and Kirby-Yung suggested Hardwick should have consulted the band chiefs.

“Like any MOU, and in business, I’ve been party to MOUs, each one of those parties has an internal responsibility to their shareholders, members and constituents,” Hardwick said. “So I wouldn’t expect the first nations to be coming and asking us whether it was okay if they had a referenda, for example.”

So far, none of the four have scheduled a vote. The Squamish Nation has invited its members to an April 24 information meeting in Squamish.

Bligh errantly claimed that VANOC records are publicly accessible. In fact, the public is not allowed to see the 2010 organizing committee’s board minutes and financial records at the City Archives until Oct. 1, 2025 under an agreement negotiated by former city manager and VANOC director Penny Ballem.

COPE Coun. Jean Swanson protested against the 2010 Olympics and was in the minority that opposed a 2021 motion on exploring an Olympic bid. However, she opposed Hardwick’s motion.

Vancouver Mayor Kennedy Stewart on Dec. 10 (City of Vancouver)

“In the past I have fought against the Olympics for a bunch of good reasons,” Swanson said by email. “This time I think it would be disrespectful of the host nations to set in motion a process that could derail what they propose before we know what it is.”

Coincidentally, Swanson earlier spoke out against restoring $5.7 million to the Vancouver Police Department budget. The RCMP-led 2010 Games security operation cost $1 billion and marked the beginning of an era of VPD budget increases.

When ex-Vancouver 2010 CEO John Furlong proposed a 2030 bid two years ago, Stewart was quick to say he favoured a plebiscite. In an April 11 statement, Stewart suggested after consideration of a feasibility study and staff report on the bid in June, “council may decide to schedule a community vote or other engagements with residents.”

The International Olympic Committee wants to choose a 2030 host before its annual meeting next year in Mumbai. It has replaced costly bidding wars with a new process that encourages interested cities to negotiate behind closed doors.

Besides Vancouver, other bids could come from Sapporo, Japan, Salt Lake City, Utah, and a Spanish/French/Andorran group.

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April 14, 2022

Bob Mackin Coun. Colleen Hardwick’s motion to get

Ex-NDP president’s lobbying unethical, says expert

Bob Mackin

The B.C. NDP’s former president is lobbying the B.C. NDP government for a marijuana company.

Premier John Horgan (left), Minister Sheila Malcolmson and ex-party president Craig Keating (Horgan/Twitter)

Craig Keating joined the Vancouver office of Seattle-headquartered Strategies 360 as a vice-president last December after eight years as party president. On April 7, Keating registered on behalf of client Tantalus Labs Ltd. to arrange meetings with officials in the ministries of Public Safety and Solicitor General, Agriculture, Food and Fisheries and Jobs, Economic Recovery and Innovation. Keating is also lobbying the B.C. Liquor Distribution Branch, which distributes and retails non-medical cannabis.

Tantalus operates the 120,000-square foot SunLab greenhouse grow-op in Maple Ridge, and advertises pot products named “Petrocan,” “Wedding Crashers,” “More Cowbell” and “Unicorn Poop.”

Keating joined Strategies 360 almost a year after former NDP executive director Raj Sihota became a vice-president for the firm, which boasts 22 offices and over 180 staff in the western U.S., Washington, D.C., Indonesia and Vancouver. President of the Canadian division is Michael Gardiner, another former B.C. NDP executive director who also managed Premier John Horgan’s winning leadership campaign.

The firm’s B.C.-registered clients include Telus, Seaspan ULC, Pembina Pipeline Corp., Vancouver Art Gallery Association, Google Cloud Canada Corp., Surgical Centres Inc., and Canadian News Media Association.

Keating did not respond for comment. His bio on the Strategies 360 website says he established and leads the municipal lobbying practice, focusing on zoning, permitting and regulatory matters in Metro Vancouver. Keating taught history classes at Langara College and spent 19 years as a North Vancouver city councillor.

B.C. does not have a municipal registry of lobbyists.

Merritt lawyer Aaron Sumexheltza, the former elected chief of the Lower Nicola Indian Band, succeeded Keating as party president last December.

The NDP government imposed a two-year, post-employment ban on lobbying by former senior provincial public office holders, but the law does not cover former party officials. Nor does the B.C. government have its own code of ethics for lobbyists.

“Federally, there’s an ethics code, you can’t do anything to place the public officeholder in a real or apparent conflict of interest,” said Duff Conacher, co-founder of DemocracyWatch. “So it doesn’t matter how the conflict of interest is generated, just can’t do it. One of the things that generates conflict of interest is helping someone get elected.”

The federal Lobbyists’ Code of Conduct states a public office holder who benefits from political activities may have a sense of obligation to those who held a senior position in a party or had significant interaction with candidates. “If you engage in higher-risk political activities then you should not lobby any public office holder who benefited from them, nor their staff, for a period equivalent to a full election cycle,” said the federal code.

Horgan and Sihota in 2016 (Asian Journal)

In a 2013 report, Registrar Elizabeth Denham said instead of a standalone code of ethics, B.C. should “embed aspects of other jurisdictions’ codes of conduct into the existing Lobbyists Registration Act.”

In Keating’s case, he told the registrar that he agrees with the Public Affairs Association of Canada’s seven-point code of conduct, which includes following laws in each jurisdiction and avoiding conflicts of interest. Conacher called it another form of industry self-regulation.

“Without ethics rules, it doesn’t matter,” Conacher said. “The transparency doesn’t really matter, as you see by the clients of these firms, right? They don’t care that everyone knows that they’ve hired these people to lobby. They’re still hiring them because they know they’re going to get their calls answered and likely get what they want, because they have the access.”

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April 13, 2022

Bob Mackin The B.C. NDP’s former president is

B.C. emergency management bureaucrat’s emergency contract

Bob Mackin

Just before the B.C. NDP government’s wildfires state of emergency last summer, one of Emergency Management B.C.’s top officials sought crisis communications help from a Calgary consultant.

Pader Brach, the executive director of regional operations, used his own authority to hire Lovink Media Inc. (LMI) to teach him how to handle the media, including lessons on deflecting and deferring questions from reporters, according to documents released under freedom of information.

Emergency Management B.C.’s Pader Brach (BC Gov)

On July 19, 2021, the day before Premier John Horgan and Public Safety Minister Mike Farnworth declared the state of emergency, Brach contracted LMI for a maximum $9,400. The company is on a preferred supplier’s list through Government Communications and Public Engagement (GCPE). The threshold for public tendering government contracts is $75,000.

Brach appeared with other bureaucrats on a dozen media conference calls between July 4 and Aug. 26, 2021. The LMI standard “call up” fee is $5,000 plus GST, which covers handout material, preparation, initial 1.5-hour training session, seven followup one hour training sessions with a half-hour per session of preparation time.

“This fee will include an initial phone call and time to prepare and to review materials,” the contract said. “It will also include the training /coaching handout materials. Each follow up session past the seven will be charged an additional $400 per hour plus 0.5 hours for preparation.”

LMI invoiced $5,250 on July 20 and $1,470 on Aug. 23.

Brach did not respond for comment, but he did appear to enjoy the lessons. His testimonial is the first that appears on the LMI website: “Best instructor and media training I have received in 18 years of working in emergency management career fields. Really appreciated Jon [Lovink]’s passion for the topic. I feel way more confident as a result.”

Jon Lovink (Lovink Media Inc.)

The website for the $28 million-a-year GCPE says the full service department includes “professionals with experience and education in government, media, corporate communications, citizen engagement, service design and web development.” Yet, it also maintains a list of external suppliers for outsourcing advertising, graphics, event production and writing.

“Within their departments, they should have in-house media training on how to properly answer questions, this is not rocket science,” said Kris Sims of the Canadian Taxpayers’ Federation. “It’s just another example of waste.”

The contract, under a section titled “outputs,” called for Brach to receive training as a “CREDible Spokesperson™”, with on-camera practice, non-verbal and para-verbal communications, interview dos and don’ts, video case studies and critical incident communications.

The LMI course list includes techniques for answering, or not answering, a question, such as recapping, bridging, hooking, deflecting, deferring and repetition, as well as rephrasing or restating tough or vague questions, and the difference between no comment and off the record.

The LMI website also includes testimonials from BC Parks’ Gina Bugslag, meat inspection veterinarian Dr. Ken Roblesky, B.C. Forestry Innovation Investment CEO Ken Baker, deputy B.C. Oil and Gas Commissioner James O’Hanley, and one simply titled “Government of B.C. Communications Staff Evaluation.”

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April 11, 2022

Bob Mackin Just before the B.C. NDP government’s

NDP FOI minister won’t commit to adopting recommendations of all-party committee

Bob Mackin

The NDP minister in charge of the government’s freedom of information department said she is “monitoring all trends with the legislation” after the Vancouver School Board refused to waive the $10 application fee for a high school newspaper.

Bad actors? Premier John Horgan and Lisa Beare on the Riverdale set in 2019 (BC Gov/Flickr)

During the Ministry of Citizens’ Services April 7 budget hearing, BC Liberal critic Bruce Banman mentioned how the school board demanded payment from Eric Hamber secondary’s Griffins’ Nest student newspaper. He asked Minister Lisa Beare whether she would consider exempting student newspapers from the NDP-cabinet imposed fee, but Beare was noncommittal.

“As with any new piece of legislation, it’s important to try and strike that balance within it,” Beare said. “Of course, as with any new piece of legislation, it’s also important to monitor the implementation and what that looks like, and to hear feedback.”

After the student newspaper went public, a GoFundMe campaign raised $1,650.

The NDP used its majority last Nov. 25 to ram through Bill 22, a suite of controversial amendments to the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act (FIPPA) that included power to charge an application. Shortly after royal assent, Beare signed a cabinet order setting the fee at $10.

The NDP government rushed to make the amendments ahead of the all-party, Special Committee to Review FIPPA struck to review the law once every six years. That committee had only met once, in order to elect a chair, before Bill 22 was passed. Banman asked whether Beare would abolish the $10 fee if the committee’s scheduled June 15 report recommends it be scrapped.

. Photography by John Lehmann

“I’m not going to prejudge any committee determinations. I’m looking forward to seeing the report,” Beare said. “Of course, we will give them thoughtful consideration, as we would any committee report that we receive here in government.”

Banman pressed Beare further: “Would she consider ignoring the recommendation of the committee on that particular issue?”

Replied Beare: “The member is asking hypothetical questions, which is absolutely the member’s right, of course. It’s hard to comment on a hypothetical.”

Earlier on April 7, Information and Privacy Commissioner Michael McEvoy testified to the all-party review committee with 17 recommendations. His top recommendation was for the NDP government to fulfil the February 2019 promise to add the Legislative Assembly to the public records disclosure law.

“There is no reason why the Legislative Assembly should not, in respect of its administrative functions, be subject to the same transparency and accountability rules as the more than 2,900 public bodies across the province,” McEvoy said.

More than three years ago, after then Speaker Darryl Plecas uncovered a spending scandal, McEvoy and the Ombudsperson and Merit Commissioner issued a joint public letter to NDP Government House Leader Mike Farnworth. Farnworth said the Legislature would be added to the law, but it still has not happened.

B.C. Information and Privacy Commissioner Michael McEvoy (Mackin)

McEvoy recommended the law be amended in such a way that covers the administration of the Legislature, but still protects constituents’ case files and other records subject to parliamentary privilege. For almost 30 years, ministries, local governments, universities, schools and independent officers of the Legislature have complied with the law.

“It is time for the Legislative Assembly to adhere to the same standards,” McEvoy said.

McEvoy also recommended FIPPA be amended to allow cabinet to disclose information about its deliberations when satisfied the public interest outweighs the need to protect cabinet confidences. Cabinet agendas, minutes and reports are generally kept secret for 15 years.

He also wants the government to clarify the section that protects advice and recommendations made to politicians, so that factual, investigative or background material can be accessed by the public.

McEvoy said he would not repeat his criticism of Bill 22, except to say he would eventually report on its impacts.

“The obvious thing we’d be looking at are the volume of requests, whether that’s been impacted,” he said. “And, for example, comparing what is happening with the provincial government, generally, compared to past years, how that compares to other public bodies, where fees are not being charged, to see how the level and number of requests are being made.”

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Bob Mackin The NDP minister in charge of

NDP rolling in the dough

Bob Mackin

The B.C. NDP is running deficit budgets in government, but it’s a different story at party headquarters.

In the annual financial report, released April 6 by Elections BC, Premier John Horgan’s party reported $9.47 million revenue and a $5.84 million surplus in 2021.

John Horgan (NDP)

It issued $3.62 million in income tax receipts to voluntary donors — who were limited to giving $1,268.07 each in 2021 — but took $3.71 million directly from taxpayers: $2.14 million in partial reimbursement for 2020 election campaign expenses and $1.57 million in the annual per-vote subsidy program. The NDP government implemented direct subsidies to political parties when it banned corporate and union donations after coming to power with the support of the Green Party in 2017.

The allowance was originally deemed transitional, but a special all-party committee struck to review campaign financing provisions of the Election Act recommended subsidies become permanent. To nobody’s surprise, the NDP government agreed and the Legislature passed the amendment last November. The per-vote subsidy was cut from $2.50 to $1.75, but tied to inflation. Quebec and Ontario have similar funding schemes for political parties.

NDP executive director Heather Stoutenberg argued in favour of the permanent subsidy tied to inflation when she appeared at the committee’s May 27, 2021 meeting.

NDP provincial director Heather Stoutenberg (LinkedIn)

“Annual allowances, in our opinion, are one of the ways that parties can continue to work engaging the public throughout the four-year election cycle, which is incredibly important for, again, our democracy,” Stoutenberg said.

The next election is scheduled for 2024, but the NDP already has financial clout. It reported a $9 million accumulated surplus to Elections BC, including $5.05 million in land and buildings, $3.48 million in bonds, stocks and other investments and $1.9 million cash on deposit. The former includes the investment in a building that houses party headquarters on West 7th Avenue in Vancouver.

The party paid $2.01 million in salaries and benefits in 2021 and owes $1.4 million on a $1.5 million 2019 loan from Community Savings. An $850,000 loan from the same credit union, arranged during the 2020 election, has been paid off.

A dinner at La Terrazza Italian restaurant in Vancouver was the biggest of 37 party fundraisers in 2021. “After Work with the Premier and Minister Kahlon” on Oct. 14 grossed $50,000 from the sale of 50 tickets at $1,000 each.

The NDP also capitalized on a caucus retreat in Chilliwack with a Sept. 23 event at Farmhouse Brewing with $13,850 from 121 tickets sold. The Elections BC return shows Horgan came with 20 MLAs.

The NDP netted $207,562.87 from fundraising events, exponentially more than the BC Liberals ($3,600) and Greens ($774.02).

Kevin Falcon and BC Liberal leadership candidates except Val Litwin (BC Liberals/Facebook)

The BC Liberals events revenue number is asterisk-worthy, because of fundraising for candidate campaigns in the leadership race. Those financing reports are forthcoming. Leadership fees brought in $218,000, but there were $180,000 in related expenses.

Previous leader Andrew Wilkinson had been opposed to public subsidies, but the Elections BC report shows the party took almost $3.02 million in various forms of taxpayer subsidies, including the $1.54 million election expenses reimbursement, $1.1 million annual allowance, and $379,000 in federal wage and rent subsidies. At year-end, the party reported a $4.52 million surplus on $6.9 million revenue.

The party issued $1.125 million in income tax receipts. The report shows one of those who exceeded the annual contribution limit was February-selected leader Kevin Falcon, by a mere $10.

The Green Party recorded $1.09 million in donations and a $497,264.24 annual allowance. Sonia Furstenau’s party has a $2.2 million accumulated surplus.

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Bob Mackin The B.C. NDP is running deficit

Four months jail for Florida man connected to David Sidoo

Bob Mackin

The Florida tennis pro who was paid to write college entrance exams for the sons of Vancouver stock promoter David Sidoo was sentenced in Boston to four months in jail and two years probation on April 8.

Mark Riddell (IMG)

U.S. District Court Judge Nathaniel Gorton also ordered Mark Riddell, 39, to pay a $1,000 fine and forfeit $239,449, although the U.S. government had already collected almost $166,000.

Part-time professional imposter Riddell of Palmetto, Fla. pleaded guilty three years ago to one count of conspiracy to commit mail fraud and honest services mail fraud and one count of conspiracy to commit money laundering.

Between 2011 and 2019, Riddell used fake identification to secretly pose as students and write their college entrance exams. He also acted as a proctor who corrected answers after students took their exam.

“Riddell played a key role in the success of the test cheating aspect of [mastermind Rick] Singer’s scheme and took 27 exams for 24 students over eight years,” said the prosecutor’s partly redacted sentencing submission. “While he was earning $5,000 to $10,000 per exam, Riddell was gainfully employed as a college counsellor at an elite athletic boarding school earning $71,000 per year. He had a privileged upbringing and attended an Ivy League university before becoming a professional tennis player. He did not act out of desperation; he committed his offense because he could get away with it.”

During the hearing, Gorton asked “how could you have stooped so low?”

In March 2020, David Sidoo pleaded guilty to conspiracy to commit mail fraud. He admitted paying $200,000 in 2011 and 2012 to Singer, who then arranged for Riddell to use fake ID to pose as Dylan and Jordan Sidoo.

The scheme helped Dylan Sidoo enter Chapman University in California. He later transferred to the University of Southern California where he graduated from the film school. Jordan Sidoo used Riddell’s results to enter and graduate from the University of California Berkeley.

Dylan (left), David and Jordan Sidoo

Prosecutors alleged Riddell traveled from Tampa, Fla. to Vancouver and posed as Dylan Sidoo to write a scholastic aptitude test (SAT) on Dec. 3, 2011 at a venue that was not disclosed. Riddell also allegedly traveled to Vancouver again, to write a test on June 9, 2012 that is described in the indictment as a “Canadian high school graduation exam.” The indictment did not include the proper name for the test or the venue.

Provincial examinations in 2012 were written June 18-22 and 25-28, but June 9 was the designated date for students to write the standardized ACT test. Dylan Sidoo was a student at St. George’s boys school at the time. In a March 2019 statement, the school said “there were no school or provincial exams written at St. George’s School by the student in question on or around the [2012] date named in the indictment.”

The allegations about Riddell’s trips to B.C. were not tested in court, because David Sidoo avoided trial by pleading guilty to conspiracy to commit wire and mail fraud. If convicted, he could have faced up to 20 years in jail. Instead, after the plea deal, Sidoo spent three months in a jail south of Seattle in fall 2020.

Also in one of the indictments, David Sidoo allegedly asked Singer if Riddell could take either the Graduate Management Admission Test or Law School Admission Test on behalf of his oldest son, Dylan. But the plan went awry.

“Singer and Riddell researched the security measures in place for both exams. On or about April 28, 2015, Singer told Sidoo that their plan to have Riddell take the LSAT in place of Sidoo’s son was ‘[n]ot happening due to fingerprinting’ requirements on the exam,” the indictment said.

David Sidoo (left) and Justin Trudeau in 2016 (PMO)

The indictment also said that in mid-December 2016, Riddell wired $520 through Western Union to China to buy fraudulent drivers’ licences so he could pose as Dylan Sidoo for the GMAT. Riddell ultimately decided not to take the exam, because the fake ID was “not of high quality.”

Singer pleaded guilty and awaits sentencing.

As a result of the scandal, former Canadian Football League player David Sidoo lost his Order of B.C. and his name was removed from the Thunderbird Stadium field and scoreboard at the University of B.C.

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Bob Mackin The Florida tennis pro who

Vancouver TED Conference contract revealed

Bob Mackin

The exclusive and expensive conference for innovators and celebrities is back at the Vancouver Convention Centre, after two years of pandemic cancellations.

TED is back at the Vancouver Convention Centre (PavCo/Twitter)

TED, which stands for technology, entertainment and design, returns April 10-14 with headliners Bill Gates, Al Gore and Elon Musk. Tickets start at $5,000, but are sold out. The $250,000, five-year membership includes a concierge and meet and greets with speakers.

The trendy talkathon moved north in 2014 from Long Beach, Calif. It took until 2021 for B.C. Pavilion Corporation (PavCo), the Crown corporation that runs the venue, to release the contract under B.C.’s freedom of information law.

Then-director of operations Katherine McCartney signed the contract on Jan. 23, 2013. It had been originally labeled “Confidential Conference.” TED booked March 11-22, 2014 with a negotiated room rental charge for use of the entire west building for $224,000 including taxes. Jack Poole Plaza and the West Pacific Terrace were available at no additional rent. Food and beverage service, housekeeping, security, lighting, telecommunications were extra, but the contract included a tax relief clause that sweetened the deal.

“If at least 75% of the delegates are reasonably expected to be non-residents of Canada, then 100% of taxes on eligible convention related goods and services that are booked through the Convention Centre will be fully rebated,” the agreement stated. “50% of the taxes on eligible convention related food and beverage booked through the Convention Centre will also be rebated.”

The contract listed 11 pages showing the day-by-day usage for each room, including CNN, Japanese translation, kids room, “media cave,” film crew studio, community food and beverage, and “speed meetings.”

Inside TED at the Vancouver Convention Centre (North Vancouver Chamber of Commerce TED/YouTube)

In 2014, Tourism Vancouver estimated the meeting of 1,200 to 1,500 delegates would translate to $2.2 million in direct visitor spending or an overall impact of $4.5 million. By comparison, in 2019, Port Vancouver said each cruise ship calling at the Canada Place terminal leaves a $3.17 million impact.

McCartney declined comment. Her North Vancouver agency, PDW Inc., produced TED until 2018 when she became a consultant. She said she would be attending the 2022 conference, but had no comment. TED’s press office did not respond by deadline.

The organization behind TED was rocked by a #MeToo scandal in November 2017, when the Washington Post reported that two men had been “disinvited” after allegations that at least five people, including a speaker, had been harassed or groped at that year’s conference.

When the pandemic hit, New York-headquartered TED Conferences LLC received a $3,896,015 Paycheck Protection Program loan from the U.S. government in April 2020 to keep 255 people employed. The ProPublica “Tracking PPP” database shows the loan was forgiven as of June 25, 2021.

The organization’s motto is “ideas worth spreading,” but it did not want details of the Vancouver Convention Centre contract to be shared.

From the TED contract with PavCo (TED/PavCo)

After the initial November 2013 FOI request, PavCo denied access in January 2014, claiming disclosure would harm PavCo finances and TED’s interests. An adjudicator with the Office of the Information and Privacy Commissioner issued a disclosure order in December 2016 with a February 2017 deadline. Negotiated contracts between public bodies and private entities cannot be withheld, ruled adjudicator Celia Francis.

Neither PavCo nor TED “demonstrated a clear and direct connection between disclosing the information in dispute and the alleged harms,” Francis wrote. “Rather, they provided assertions, unsupported by evidence, which do not persuade me that disclo

sure of the information in dispute could reasonably be expected to result in harm.”

In its submissions, PavCo had called TED a “powerful economic engine” for Vancouver and “fundamental to the fulfillment of PavCo’s economic mandate.”

In an unusual move, PavCo’s in-house lawyer, Clark Ledingham, also acted as the lawyer for TED, instead of TED hiring its own lawyer. In McCartney’s June 2016 affidavit, she swore that contract negotiations began in November 2012 and threatened TED would move elsewhere if the contract became public.

PDW’s Katherine McCartney (North Vancouver Chamber of Commerce TED/YouTube)

“Disclosure of the information requested in this Inquiry would have a detrimental impact on our business relationship with PavCo because TED would no longer be able to trust, through no fault of PavCo, that information we consider to be commercially sensitive will remain confidential,” McCartney’s affidavit said.

At the time of the inquiry, TED did not have a signed agreement past 2017, but had reserved tentative dates at VCC up to 2026.

The disclosure ruling triggered PavCo’s application for a B.C. Supreme Court judicial review. It finally relented in May 2021, discontinued the court action and released the contract.

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