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Bob Mackin

A food fight that has erupted among the clan connected to four restaurant chains highlights how so few own so many of the biggest food and drink brands in Canada.

A June 6 B.C. Supreme Court judgment, which was published last week, denied an application to waive the obligation for sole Cactus Club director Richard Jaffray to produce and publish audited financial statements to shareholders Earl’s Holdings, Stanley Fuller and a family trust, Rockefuller Holdings and Cacthold Holdings.

“Cactus and Earl’s are competitors in the ‘premium’ casual dining market. Stanley and his brothers Stewart, Clayton and Jeffrey Fuller, are the directors of Earl’s. They are also the directors of Joey Restaurant Group,” wrote Justice Margot Fleming. “Jeffrey is Joey’s chief executive officer. Joey also operates multiple restaurants in Canada and the United States. Cactus describes Joey as a direct and active competitor that unlike Earl’s, has no economic interest in the success of Cactus.”

Bus Fuller (the father of Stanley, Jeffrey, Clayton and Stewart Fuller) founded Earl’s in 1982 in Edmonton. Jaffray met Bus and Stanley Fuller while working at Earl’s in 1986 and, two years later, Jaffray and Scot Morison opened Cactus Club in North Vancouver with $180,000 in startup capital from Earl’s; Stanley and Julie Fuller were 60% shareholders in the Cactus Club startup.

Jaffray now owns 35% interest in Cactus Club and Earl’s owns 45%, with Stanley Fuller, the Fuller Family Trust, Rockefuller and Cacthold holding the remaining 20%. Jaffray and the Fullers have traded legal barbs amid allegations that Jaffray has misspent company funds on travel and luxury items.

Jaffray became sole director and president of Cactus Club indefinitely in September 2004, after a falling out with Morison, who founded the Browns Socialhouse chain.

In June 2018, Cactus petitioned the court for an order to permanently relieve Jaffray of his obligation to publish financial statements to all shareholders.

Cactus Club’s Richard Jaffray (left), Christy Clark and chef Rob Feenie in 2013. Clark is now a director of competitor Recipe Unlimited. (BC Gov)

“Cactus complains that in recent years and in breach of the confidentiality clause, the respondents have refused to prevent Jeffrey and others associated with Joey from accessing the financial statements or the information they contain, providing Joey with a competitive advantage,” Fleming wrote. “Given these circumstances and the ‘the specific bargain struck’, Cactus takes the position that relieving Mr. Jaffray of his obligation to provide the financial statements to the respondents, so as to prevent their content from being disclosed to and used by Joey, is reasonable.”

Fleming refused the Cactus application.

The evidence does not show, despite the history of delivery to date and Cactus’ earlier disclosure of confidential information during meetings with Earl’s and Joey, however, a competitive disadvantage or any harm to Cactus. What this leaves is the mere possibility of a detriment for Cactus arising from Jeffrey and others having access to the information contained in the financial statements.”

Earls Kitchen + Bar, the oldest of the group, has 56 locations from B.C. to Ontario, while Cactus Club has 31 and Joey 22. Browns, meanwhile, has 67.

Meanwhile, publicly listed Recipe Unlimited (the former Cara Operations) boasts 1,382 restaurants operating under 22 brands (1,324 are in Canada). It says 82% of them are franchised or joint ventures in Canada and nine other countries (U.S., Bahrain, China, Macau, Oman, Panama, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates). Of the restaurants, 46 are joint venture, 208 are corporate and 1,128 franchised.

Recipe reported system-wide sales of $3.4 billion for the 2018 fiscal year from Swiss Chalet, Harvey’s, St-Hubert, The Keg, Milestones, Montana’s, Kelsey’s, East Side Mario’s, New York Fries, Prime Pubs, Bier Markt, Landing, Original Joe’s, State & Main, Elephant & Castle, The Burger’s Priest, The Pickle Barrel, Marigolds & Onions, and 1909 Taverne Moderne.

The board of directors includes former BC Liberal Premier Christy Clark, whose crowning achievement while in office for six years was the relaxation of laws and regulations around the retail, wholesale and service of beer, wine and spirits.

A late 2013 Clark news conference about some of those amendments was held at the flagship Cactus Club at the Vancouver Convention Centre.

Those at the top of the food chain with Cactus, Earls and Recipe were some of the biggest donors to the BC Liberals, before the NDP banned unlimited corporate political donations in fall 2017.

From 2012 to 2017, Jaffray donated $123,600 to the BC Liberals, the lion’s share from Cactus Club accounts. In June 2017, after the provincial election, Cactus made two $25,000 donations to the BC Liberals.

Stan Fuller donated $192,749 from 2005 to 2017, including $25,000 from Earls Head Office Canadian Inc. in June 2017, three days before the BC Liberals were toppled in a confidence vote by the Green-supported NDP. Joey Restaurants gave $38,650 from 2013 to 2017.

Recipe Unlimited vice chairman David Aisenstat, the CEO of Keg Restaurants, donated $427,232.66 from 2005 to 2016, including $150,000 from the Keg Restaurants on May 17, 2013 — three days after Clark led the BC Liberals to a surprise re-election.

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Bob Mackin A food fight that has erupted

Bob Mackin

An external investigation has cleared an NPA Vancouver city councillor of conflict of interest, theBreaker.news has learned.

Lawyer Henry Wood dismissed pro-density activist Peter Waldkirch’s Jan. 16 complaint against Colleen Hardwick, finding no evidence that the 2018-elected councillor used her PlaceSpeak.com civic engagement company improperly.

Waldkirch’s complaint to city manager Sadhu Johnston took issue with a page on the PlaceSpeak website showing Hardwick and an image of city hall with the headline “You don’t need to wait for an election to have your voice heard – I’m listening.” Waldkirch, a research lawyer, alleged that Hardwick was confusing citizens and using public office to benefit her private company.

NPA Coun. Colleen Hardwick (Mackin)

“I do not believe it is appropriate for her to use it for city business and there is at least the appearance of this,” Waldkirch wrote in the email to Johnston, obtained via freedom of information.

Waldkirch went further on Twitter, just over 30 minutes after his initial complaint to Johnston. He publicly accused Hardwick of “attempted privatization” of public engagement and called PlaceSpeak a “black box.”

On housing issues, Waldkirch’s social media messaging aligns with Abundant Housing Vancouver, the coalition of Liberal and NDP activists lobbying city council to rubber-stamp rezonings of single-family houses to make way for townhouses and apartment buildings. AHV associates have frequently targeted Hardwick on social media and in newspaper commentaries since her election on a platform favouring a citywide plan and better consultation with neighbourhoods.

In his May 5 report to Mayor Kennedy Stewart, also obtained via freedom of information, Wood found no evidence of any contravention of the City of Vancouver Code of Conduct or Vancouver Charter.

There was nothing to contradict Hardwick’s assertions that she will give due consideration to all public input, whatever the source, and that the data architecture used by PlaceSpeak ensures the privacy of respondents’ personal data, Wood wrote.

Whether the website presentation implies official city status is beyond city hall’s code and charter, he wrote. As for Hardwick’s financial interest in PlaceSpeak, Wood concluded that Waldkirch’s concern over financial gain was “prospective and speculative.”

“We are dealing with a soft launch of a consultation site on which the only question posed was ‘Do you think that you are being heard by the City of Vancouver?’ There is no obvious potential conflict arising from the substance of that issue,” Wood wrote.

Also in Hardwick’s favour was her purpose for the initial exposure of the page: she was seeking input on potential conflict of interest concerns from the city’s director of legal services. The page in question was taken down after Waldkirch complained and not reactivated during Wood’s investigation.

Peter Waldkirch (LinkedIn)

At the end of his report, Wood offered a “final cautionary note,” after seeing a page on PlaceSpeak seeking feedback on the Broadway Subway extension to the University of B.C. He suggested there is a risk that if PlaceSpeak hosts a topic of significant interest in Vancouver, that “the mythical reasonable elector might become concerned if Coun. Hardwick were to vote in support of that proponent’s position, and that he/she might conclude that her motivation was tainted by the business relationship.”

He suggested that, in such a case, Hardwick might choose to declare an apparent conflict and withdraw from discussion or voting. Wood also wrote that constituents expect their chosen representatives to avoid potential conflicts, so that they can fully participate and vote on matters of civic performance.

Kennedy Stewart’s poster on 4th Ave. (Mackin)

Stewart’s May 13 letter accepted Wood’s dismissal of the complaint and deemed the matter closed.

Waldkirch had no comment. As for Hardwick, she said she is “happy to let the report speak for itself.”

Stewart apparently took Wood’s report as a signal that he could embark on his own type of digital engagement, separate from official city hall communications channels.

On June 6, Stewart sent invitations to those on his 2018 campaign email list to join a new “Van-News Team email group” so he could seek public input, advice and support from both Vancouverites and non-Vancouverites.

“I promise if you join my Van-News Team, you will receive a single monthly email update and up to three invitations every four weeks to attend events, take part in online actions or other activities that will help us build a Vancouver that works for everyone,” said the June 6 email appeal.

Last weekend, attendees of the civic-supported Khatsahlano Street Party on West 4th Avenue noticed posters urging citizens to fill-out a questionnaire on Stewart’s campaign website. The posters recycled a photograph from independent Stewart’s 2018 union-supported mayoral campaign and read: “Have Your Say on Housing: Mayor Kennedy Stewart wants to hear from you.” The posters did not include any of Stewart’s city hall contact information. Stewart’s posters and website are a common tactic used by politicians to build or update voter and donor-targeting databases.

His campaign website, on the NationBuilder political platform, was produced by Van City Studios, a digital ad agency that also worked on his 2015 federal NDP campaign in Burnaby South.

The next scheduled civic election is three-and-a-quarter years away.

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Bob Mackin An external investigation has cleared an

Bob Mackin

July 10 marked a dismal milestone.

It was three months ago that District of North Vancouver slapped a stop work order to halt the North Shore Wastewater Treatment Plant project. Site preparation work had unofficially stopped several weeks earlier.

Subcontractor Tetra Tech sued prime contractor Acciona for $20 million the week before the stop work order. There is no restart date in sight for the $778 million project to build a new secondary treatment plant.

Fisheries and Oceans Minister Jonathan Wilkinson on July 10 (Mackin)

According to a report to Metro Vancouver mayors and councillors, the project is only 4% complete and $34.45 million has been spent to date. The deadline to replace the 1961-built, Lions Gate primary sewage plant and meet the new secondary treatment standard is Dec. 31, 2020, less than 18 months away.

North Vancouver Liberal MP and Fisheries and Oceans Minister Jonathan Wilkinson said at a salmon habitat enhancement news conference near the Seymour River on July 10 that talks are underway to expand the scope of the project, which would lead to higher costs.

“[Metro Vancouver] have not come back to the federal government and asked for more because of the delay with the contractor,” Wilkinson said. “For a tertiary plant there may be a little bit more capital required and that is a conversation we’re having.”

A construction industry source, who declined to be named in print for fear of retribution, told theBreaker.news that the delay, lawsuit and a scope increase would put the project cost well over $1 billion.

As theBreaker.news exclusively reported on April 25, engineering firm Tetra Tech claims in the B.C. Supreme Court lawsuit that it was wrongfully fired Feb. 22 after Acciona breached its contract by failing to provide, “in a timely way, fully and accurately all information as might reasonably be required for Tetra Tech’s performance of all the services, including decisions and directions passed down to Acciona from [Metro Vancouver] and Acciona Wastewater.”

April 10-issued stop work order for the $779M North Shore sewage plant project (Mackin)

Tetra Tech also claims Acciona failed to provide viable integrated schedules, including procurement and construction schedules, and that Acciona provided late and incomplete responses to requests for information and failed. 

Wilkinson called the issues between Acciona and Metro Vancouver “unfortunate from everybody’s perspective. I know that Metro is working hard to address those issues.”

“What we are doing in the interim is having lots of conversations between relevant parties, Squamish Nation is part of this, the province, and Metro and feds, about, well if we’re going to be looking at a bit of time and it may mean that the issues around the plant are such that it’s going to be hard to make the original timeline, let’s talk about moving this to a tertiary system which is going to take more of the contaminants out of it before it reaches the water,” he said. “Let’s look at this as an opportunity to do better on a piece of infrastructure to do more than the bare minimum for a piece of infrastructure that’s going to last us for 60 to 70 years.”

The 2016 federal Liberal budget included $212 million to upgrade the Lions Gate sewage plant. In March 2017, the feds announced up to $212.3 million, “representing one-third of the estimated $636.9 million in total eligible project cost.” B.C. is contributing $193 million, leaving the rest to Metro Vancouver. 

In April 2017, Acciona was awarded a $542 Million fixed price contract. North Shore ratepayers are expected to see the annual household cost double from $300 in 2019 to $609 in 2023. “Capital cost impacts are still under review.”

Acciona has appealed to the Office of the Information and Privacy Commissioner in a bid to block a freedom of information request by theBreaker.news for the project’s detailed construction status, cost and schedule report.

The NDP government has shorlisted Site C-contractor Acciona for the $2.83 billion Broadway Subway SkyTrain extension and, along with scandal-plagued SNC-Lavalin, the $1.4 billion Pattullo Bridge replacement.

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Bob Mackin July 10 marked a dismal milestone. It

Exclusive video showing a tense standoff between heavily armed police in military gear and a distraught man with a knife who was threatening to harm himself outside North Vancouver Provincial Court on July 10.

Shortly after noon, police swarmed the man who was arrested peacefully under the Mental Health Act. 

Watch the dramatic video below.

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Exclusive video showing a tense standoff between

Bob Mackin

Four days after Vancouver city council rejected a proposal for rental townhouses to replace a mansion in luxurious Shaughnessy, Vancouver Police dealt with a bizarre incident next door.

“Officers were called to the [Vancouver Hospice Society] just before midnight on June 29 for a man banging on the front door,” Sgt. Jason Robillard told theBreaker.news. “Officers attended and spoke with the man who appeared intoxicated and confused. They walked him to a residence which was close to the hospice building. No charges and no injuries.”

Vancouver Hospice Society

On June 25, city council voted 7-4 against rezoning the single-family property at 4575 Granville St. The majority cited the proximity to the hospice and feared noise from building 21 townhouses and underground parking would distress patients in the last days of their lives. An 11th hour “good neighbour agreement” to minimize construction-related impacts on the hospice was not enough to rescue the staff-recommended proposal.

Asked if the incident involved the rezoning applicants from 4575 Granville, Robillard said: “As there are no charges that have been approved by Crown, I am unable to confirm anyone’s identity and I am unable to share anything further.”

Co-applicant Jagmohan Singh Pabla told a reporter that he was home on June 29, but did not remember if police spoke to him.

“I was upset, I had drink, but I don’t know anything,” Pabla said.

His son, Gurveer Pabla, later said that his father had gone inside the hospice.

“He called the police and he actually called the ambulance as well, because he was having chest pains and went to the hospital,” Gurveer Pabla said.

Said Stephen Roberts, chair of the Vancouver Hospice Society: “His father didn’t call police. Our staff called police.”

Vancouver Hospice Society chair Stephen Roberts (Twitter)

Roberts said that the elder Pabla tried giving his house keys to staff and said he wanted to die in the hospice. “They, of course, declined them and tried to keep him quiet, [that was] what their main objective was.”

“Somebody was upset, it happened to be the neighbour,” Roberts said. “It was disturbing and worrying for staff and we were concerned about residents, of course, in the hospice.”

Meanwhile, WorkSafeBC cited Pabla Development Group Ltd. for violating safety regulations after a subcontractor’s grisly facial injury at a construction site in Squamish on June 5. The company president is Gurveer Pabla.

WorkSafeBC documents obtained by theBreaker.news say the project to build a 29-unit commercial and residential complex at 37830 Third Ave. was under a stop work order from June 13-17. It was lifted after Pabla completed a preliminary investigation, hired a consultant and cleaned up most site debris and hazards. Workers were finally given site orientation and written first aid procedures.

Jagmohan (left) and Gurveer Pabla at city hall. (City of Vancouver)

In his June 11 inspection report, WorkSafeBC occupational safety officer Lee Fletcher called the site untidy and unsafe, with boards and nails sticking out and piles of unguarded rebar.

Fletcher wrote that Pabla Development Group failed to make a statutory report to WorkSafeBC after the subcontractor was injured.

“The response was that it was the subcontractor’s responsibility to contact WorkSafeBC,” Fletcher wrote. “I then outlined that it was [censored] that was injured and the expectation would be that the prime contractor needs to assume the responsibility of the investigation and would have been expected to also contact WorkSafeBC in the event of an accident at their work site.”

Fletcher’s June 11 report also said that he advised Pabla in April to have on-site first aid and a safety coordinator, and to register with WorkSafeBC.

Gurveer Pabla said it was the first workplace injury on one of his company’s sites.

“We weren’t registered with WorkSafe, because we’re a private contractor,” Pabla said. “That’s why I didn’t really know.”

The Squamish Chief reported that the subcontractor was airlifted to hospital after rebar entered his lower lip and exited his nose. He is now on the road to recovery.

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Bob Mackin Four days after Vancouver city council

Lava Jato. Operation Car Wash, in English. The massive investigation into billions of embezzled dollars involving Brazil’s national oil and gas company, Petrobras. The scandal that was uncovered at a car wash in the capital Brasilia also implicated construction and engineering giant Odebrecht, which worked on 2014 World Cup and 2016 Olympics venues. Dozens of politicians and businessmen were caught in bribery schemes. Presidents Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and Dilma Roussef were sent to jail.

Brazilian federal prosecutor Carlos Bruno Ferreira da Silva; credit: ESMPU

The integrated law and order unit has been praised for its attempts to clean up Brazil, but criticized by those who say the anti-corruption campaign is politically motivated. Recognized by the Allard Prize for International Integrity in 2017 at the University of British Columbia, governments around the world are looking at the Operation Car Wash model. Including B.C.’s Attorney General David Eby.

Federal prosecutor Carlos Bruno Ferreira da Silva, the deputy head of Brazil’s international cooperation unit, was a guest speaker at the Trace International Bribery and Economic Crime Summit in Vancouver on June 26. theBreaker.news Podcast host Bob Mackin interviewed da Silva, to learn how Operation Car Wash is structured.

“We saw that in Brazil, normally the investigations of bribery reach dead points, so we tried to change things a little,” da Silva said. Operation Car Wash’s strategy, he said, is built on a team of designated prosecutors, coordination with all relevant domestic agencies, collaboration with informants and remediation agreements with companies, and cooperation with international law enforcement partners. 

Car Wash began with Petrobras, but has expanded. For instance, Brazil is busy making corrupt officials of the Rio 2016 Olympics accountable. Last week, Rio de Janeiro’s jailed ex-governor, Sergio Cabral, testified that he helped pay a $2 million bribe to help win the bid for the 2016 Games. The head organizer of the 2016 Games, Carlos Nuzman, is accused in the vote-buying scheme.

Hear the interview with da Silva. Plus Pacific Rim and Pacific Northwest headlines and commentaries.

Click below to listen or go to Apple Podcasts and subscribe

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Lava Jato. Operation Car Wash, in English.

Bob Mackin

FIFA did not give its official seal of approval to the artificial turf field where the United States won 2015’s Women’s World Cup until almost four months after the final, theBreaker.news has exclusively learned.

Canada 2015 was the first top-level FIFA tournament played entirely on artificial turf, which sparked global media criticism and pre-tournament protests from American players. The France 2019 Women’s World Cup, which ends July 7, is on grass.

FIFA contractors showed-off artificial turf testing equipment at B.C. Place during Canada 2015 (Mackin)

The public-owned company that operates B.C. Place Stadium, British Columbia Pavilion Corporation, said that “inspection and confirmation of compliance was verbally issued on June 6, 2015” in a covering letter for documents released under the freedom of information law. 

That was three days after FIFA contractor Sports Labs demonstrated the artificial turf testing program to reporters on June 3, 2015. Four years later, documents suggest that damage control photo op was just for show.

Montreal-based testing firm Labosport’s June 19, 2015 report was a generic evaluation of the German-made Polytan Ligaturf RS+ CP WCE 260 W ACS 90 Bionic Fibre turf product. The report was not specific to the B.C. Place installation of that product.

Labosport’s followup technical report, titled “Gmax Tests on a synthetic field installed at B.C. Place, Vancouver B.C.,” was dated Nov. 10, 2015 and based on a Nov. 2, 2015 inspection of the field at B.C. Place.

Two days after the test, on Nov. 4, 2015, FIFA finally issued the field certificate. It was signed by then-president Sepp Blatter.

The Blatter-signed field certificate said the Polytan Ligaturf had been “certified according to the FIFA Quality Program for Football Turf – 2 Star” from June 6, 2015 to June 5, 2016.

The timing of the certificate raises more questions. Corruption-plagued Blatter was provisionally suspended by FIFA’s ethics committee on Oct. 7 of that year. He was finally turfed from office before Christmas 2015 and banned from FIFA activities for eight years, a penalty that was eventually reduced to six years.

Neither Sports Labs nor FIFA responded for comment by deadline.

FIFA certified B.C. Place four months after the Canada 2015 final (FIFA/PavCo)

During Canada 2015, FIFA repeatedly told reporters that B.C. Place’s new pitch had been certified to the 2 Star standard for the highest level of international play.

Multiple sources confirmed that the new B.C. Place field had failed ball rebound tests. Organizers brought in high-intensity water sprinklers and a steamroller to compact the sand infill. They also applied blocks of ice to induce hardening of the surface.

FIFA declined to publicly disclose the actual test results during the tournament. It referred a reporter to manufacturer Polytan, whose CEO, Markus Deimling, said the pitch met FIFA requirements. Both Deimling and Sports Labs refused to show proof. Sports Labs cited a confidentiality clause in its contract with FIFA.

The host Canadian Soccer Association chose to stage the tournament on artificial turf in six stadiums, four of which were the home fields of Canadian Football League teams.

The plastic pitches were more trouble than they were worth. At Canada’s opening midday match in Edmonton, field temperature was measured at 50 Celsius.

U.S. captain Abby Wambach complained to reporters that the $1.327 million B.C. Place pitch, which was installed weeks before the tournament’s June 6 kickoff, caused “weird bounces” of the ball. Japanese midfielder Aya Miyama said “dribbling was difficult.”

FIFA’s post-tournament technical report confirmed those observations and found the speed of passes at games across all Canada 2015 venues averaged 6 kilometres-per-hour slower than the 2011 tournament on grass in Germany.

FIFA chose its words carefully in the August 2015-issued technical report. Women’s World Cup committee chair Lydia Nsekera said that all six venues featured “FIFA recommended 2 Star football turf.”

The artificial turf was not the only challenge for players in the July 5, 2015 final. The B.C. Place retractable roof was open on a humid day when smoke from area forest fires filtered the sunshine. Carli Lloyd led the U.S. to a 5-2 win over defending champion Japan. Lloyd and the U.S. are aiming for a repeat on July 7 in France against Netherlands.

Sepp Blatter’s video greeting to Canada 2015 (Mackin)

B.C. Place paid a premium for the 2015-installed Polytan Ligaturf, which cost $500,000 more than the Shaw Sports turf at Edmonton’s Commonwealth Stadium. The Canadian Soccer Association ($400,000) and Rugby Canada ($100,000) contributed to the B.C. Place turf purchase. Documents obtained by theBreaker.news showed the bid by Polytan and its affiliated Vancouver-area installer Centaur was priced higher than those submitted by competitors FieldTurf, AstroTurf and Ubu.

PavCo told losing bidders that the Centaur/Polytan bid was the only one compatible with the existing elastic layer at B.C. Place, despite bid evaluators deeming all four proposals to be acceptable.

Canada 2015 was the first FIFA event after late May 2015 police raids in Zurich, Switzerland led to the arrests of various international soccer executives for bribery.

Fearing arrest, Blatter cancelled his trip to Vancouver, where a special office had been constructed for him at B.C. Place. He appeared haggard on a recorded video greeting that was shown to attendees of the FIFA Women’s Football Symposium in Vancouver.

B.C. Place was a candidate to host matches for the United States-led 2026 World Cup, but the B.C. government balked at FIFA’s non-negotiable requirements to pay all security costs, give FIFA a 10-year tax holiday, relax labour laws, and allow the import and export of unlimited sums of foreign cash. 

  • Bob Mackin covered the Canada 2015 FIFA Women’s World Cup for The Province and World Football Insider. 

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BCPC 447 BC Place Canada 2015 by Bob Mackin on Scribd

Bob Mackin FIFA did not give its official

Simon Peh

(Editor’s note: Simon Peh is Commissioner of the Independent Commission Against Corruption in Hong Kong. He was a featured speaker at the Trace International Bribery and Economic Crime Summit in Vancouver on June 26. Following is a transcript from his speech, lightly edited for brevity.) 

This summit serves as a timely reminder that corruption is still a major threat in a lot of economies. Corruption breeds many evils. It hampers economic growth and distorts competitive capabilities, creating a vicious cycle which impedes the development of a country. Many governments and leaders of strength and foresight make great efforts to  curb corruption by establishing anti-corruption agencies. Yet not every one of them turns out to be successful, not to mention winning a sustainable victory.

Hong Kong anti-corruption commissioner Simon Peh (ICAC)

The corruption situation in Hong Kong underwent a transformation in the past 45 years. Hong Kong today is a renowned financial centre. If you talk to an ordinary citizen in our city, I am confident that he or she will echo my saying that the existing clean public sector, fair business environment and high vigilance against corruption among members of the public are the distinctive and highly treasured features of our society. But the situation was totally different half a century ago when corruption permeated every stratum of the Hong Kong society.

The turning point happened in 1973 when a major corruption case triggered a public outcry for robust action on part of the government to eradicate corruption. The government did make a decisive response of setting up the ICAC, independent from the police and other government departments, to spearhead the war against corruption. It is commonly accepted that the birth of the ICAC is the watershed of the anti-corruption history of Hong Kong. People aptly described that the inception of our institution ushered in a “quiet revolution” in the fight against corruption in our city.

Since its establishment, the ICAC, as the one and only anti-corruption agency in Hong Kong, has been dedicating to enforcing the anti-bribery laws, advising the government and private sector organizations to plug system loopholes, and promoting public awareness to fight corruption and entrench a clean culture in the society.

With the support of the government and the community, our meticulous work in fighting and preventing corruption at all fronts has successfully kept corruption at bay in the past 45 years and brought about a change of culture. Some indicators can help us understand the current clean environment of Hong Kong.

In the latest ICAC Annual Survey conducted by an independent polling agency in 2018, over 98% of the respondents said they had not come across corruption in the past 12 months in Hong Kong. Over 80% of them said they would report corruption if they come across one. Respondents’ average corruption tolerance level was as low as 0.5 on a scale of zero to ten, with zero representing total rejection and ten total acceptance.

The views of the international community are more or less the same. The TRACE Bribery Risk Matrix 2018 ranked Hong Kong the 14th among the 200 countries/territories surveyed. The overall bribery risk level was assessed to be “very low.” Hong Kong, bolstered by a very low risk of bribery and corruption, was rated the second most competitive economy among 63 places by IMD’s World Competitiveness Yearbook last month. The Heritage Foundation ranks Hong Kong the world’s freest economy for 25 consecutive years in its 2019 Index of Economic Freedom. The think tank applauds Hong Kong for having a high quality legal framework that strongly supports the rule of law, that there is little tolerance of corruption, and that a high degree of transparency serves to enhance government integrity.

The current clean environment can be attributed to a host of enabling factors which are crucial to the successful eradication of corruption in Hong Kong. But to stick to the theme of this panel, I will focus my sharing on what makes the anti-corruption agency works in Hong Kong.

One can easily jump to the viewpoint that for an ACA to be effective, institutional capacity is of utmost importance. It is, but I would like to propose to take a broader view of two external factors first. From Hong Kong’s experience, the first and foremost factor for the success of an ACA is the strong and consistent political commitment to reducing corruption. Political support is essential and the anti-corruption work should not fluctuate with the changing political environment, for example, the change of government. Examples abound around the world that this is easily said than done. In the case of Hong Kong, despite the change of sovereignty, the government, from 1974 till present, has been continuously and strongly committed to fighting graft. Before and after the Reunification of Hong Kong with China in 1997, the ICAC has continued to enjoy vigorous and unquestionable political support without fail. This unwavering and continuous determination is manifested in the government’s non-interfering stance in our work, the allocation of sufficient resources to the ICAC, and the public policy of prioritizing the promotion of integrity management within the government.

The Hong Kong Government has never meddled in our operations. The ICAC is allocated with an annual budget to the tune of US$150 million every year which is around 0.2% of the total annual expenditure of the government. Corruption prevention and integrity culture building are constant priorities in the government’s policy agenda. With the support of the Civil Service Bureau and the ICAC, intra-departmental integrity management is implemented by all governmental units through a network of 160 ethics officers at the directorate level.

Strong rule of law

The second enabling factor is the rule of law which is one of the cornerstones of good governance and an indispensable element of the successful fight against corruption. Rule of law serves to lay a solid foundation of impartiality and equality in the society. Strong rule of law also gives legitimacy to the operation of the ACA and facilitates the growth of public confidence in the agency. In fact, realizing the symbiotic relationship between the rule of law and anti-corruption, the ICAC partnered with the World Justice Project to co-organize an international symposium just last month in Hong Kong.

Hong Kong enjoys a robust rule of law as demonstrated by the Rule of Law Index of the World Justice Project. Underpinned by the principle of “one country, two systems,” the prevailing common law system in HKSAR remains vibrant and firmly unchanged after the reunification of Hong Kong with China in 1997. The Basic Law, which lays down the constitutional framework of our city, clearly delineates the independent powers of the ICAC, the Department of Justice and the Judiciary. While ICAC is responsible for investigation without interference, the decision of whether or not to prosecute a suspect is vested with the Department of Justice, and the accused person is entitled to fair trial by the fiercely independent Judiciary. Such distinctive division of powers upholds the rule of law in our city and serves as a robust checks and balances system on the ICAC so that we can maintain a high credibility. More on that later on.

(Discover Hong Kong)

I will now turn to the institutional capacity of the ICAC. The institutionalization of the capacity of the ACA is important in making sure that the combat against corruption can be sustained without interruption and can evolve with time.

The capacity of the ICAC is well institutionalized on four levels, namely, constitutional and legal, societal, strategic, and corporate levels. On the constitutional and legal level, the independence and statutory mandate of ICAC are guaranteed in Article 57 of the Basic Law and in Section 5 of the Independent Commission Against Corruption Ordinance (ICACO). This constitutional and legal safeguards guarantee that the ICAC shall function independently.

Our legal mandate enables us to investigate public sector corruption, as well as private to private corruption and punishing both the bribe-takers and the bribe-givers. Under the ICACO, the ICAC has full-fledged powers of investigation, arrest, search, seizure and making enquiries which are fundamental to ICAC officers for discharging their law enforcement and corruption prevention functions. The Prevention of Bribery Ordinance, the legislation which we rely on to tackle corruption, confers on the ICAC special powers of investigation including powers to obtain bank and other transaction records; power to require suspects to provide details of their assets, income and expenditure, etc. We are also provided with powers to restraint and confiscate the proceeds of bribery offences under the same ordinance. Furthermore, we also enforce a dedicated legislation specifying offences in relation to corrupt and illegal conduct at public elections in Hong Kong. This wide remit of the ICAC enables us to tackle corruption in all its forms and in whichever sector it happens.

On the societal level, the ICAC is an institution highly trusted by the Hong Kong community. In our annual surveys, 97% or more of the respondents have consistently indicated that the ICAC deserves their support over the years. Over 73 % of the complaints we received annually were non-anonymous, indicating high social trust in the ICAC. This is made possible by the Commission’s impartial stance in enforcing the law.

It is also contributed by our capacity in turning anti-corruption strategy into concrete results to meet the high expectation of the society. Of particular significance is our extensive engagement of different community sectors to raise social awareness, foster public support, form partnerships and call for action from the private and civic sectors.

On the strategic level, the ICAC has been adopting a three-pronged strategy combining the deterrent effects of enforcement with system enhancements and value education. This integrated approach helps create a necessary synergy to generate a long-lasting effect in controlling corruption.

Our work for the financial market of Hong Kong is a good demonstration of the seamless integration of the three-pronged strategy. The Operations Department of the ICAC has all along strived to crack down on potential corruption involving listed companies. The Department maintains close cooperation with other authorities including the Securities and Futures Commission to share intelligence and, where appropriate, take joint enforcement action. In tandem with enforcement actions, the Corruption Prevention Department (CPD) has conducted a review on the disclosure of anti-corruption information by listed companies as required by the Stock Exchange thereby strengthening the regulatory regime. The CPD also collaborates with regulators and professional bodies to help listed companies establish and review their anti-bribery management systems. The Community Relations Department reaches out to all listed companies, relevant professional bodies and business chambers and forms partnership with them to provide practical training on ethical governance to board directors, senior corporate executives and members of professional bodies.

In executing our strategies, it is of vital importance to have adequate resources and the right people both in caliber and in character.

Apart from the financial support from the government, ICAC has some 1,400 officers, recruited through a merit-based selection process. All personnel in the ICAC, including me, are required to undergo integrity checks before taking up the appointments. Apart from the checks and balances system which I will elaborate in a minute, we also have to make sure the powers are entrusted in good hands from the start.

And to sustain the success of an established agency like the ICAC, passing on experience to the younger generations is important. The ICAC has devised comprehensive training programmes to enhance ICAC officers’ core competencies required for the effective discharge of duties, prepare them for new professional requirements and develop their potential to cope with organizational development.

Checks and balances

The final factor for success that I want to talk about is “checks and balances.” The effectiveness of an ACA is as only strong as the checks and balances mechanism which the ACA is subject to. The reason is easy to see because power without limits is a leading cause of corruption. While ACAs should be given sufficient powers to carry out its work effectively, it should also be subject to robust scrutiny to prevent abuse.

Alongside with our anti-corruption capability, the ICAC also discharges its duties responsibly and operates within an all-rounded accountability regime. Within the organization, we have an internal unit to investigate complaints against our officers independently. The unit reports to an external and independent complaints committee responsible for reviewing all non-criminal complaints against ICAC officers. An internal audit unit has also been set up to conduct compliance checks, identify system weaknesses and recommend enhancement measures to improve internal controls.

Furthermore, four independent committees, comprising leading citizens from different sectors of the community, have been set up to oversee the work of the ICAC and its three departments. By bringing in outside monitoring, these oversight bodies serve as the eyes and ears of the society to make sure that our operations can measure up to the high public expectation.

Externally, the Legislative Council, the legislature of Hong Kong, is vested with the authorities to approve our annual budget, raise questions on our policies and performance, and review and amend the legislations pertinent to our work and powers. The Commissioner will have to attend meetings of the Legislative Council to explain policy and budgetary matters on an annual basis.

Hong Kong is an open and diverse society. We have an active civil society and free news media who play pivotal roles in scrutinizing the work of the ICAC. In this regard, the ICAC would have to act even more stringently in adhering to the standards that we advocate and be held accountable for any possible missteps.

Hong Kong is also a global metropolis and an active member of the worldwide anti-corruption community. We value the views and contribution of the international community who has an extremely important role to play in ensuring the vibrancy of our city. We have been engaging with different international stakeholders, in particular ranking and survey agencies, so as to take on board their findings to further improve our anti-corruption work.

The ICAC in Hong Kong has fought its way from eradicating widespread corruption in its early years to sustaining the culture of zero tolerance of corruption now. The synergy created by our integrated strategy effectively curbs corruption and enables us to discharge our work to gain the public trust. It also gradually brings about a cultural change in the society, one which does not tolerate corruption and embraces integrity as its core value. This clean culture in turn provides further momentum to the anti-corruption cause thereby generating a virtuous cycle in fighting and preventing corruption. Such virtuous cycle forms the strongest defence against corruption in Hong Kong and enables the anti-corruption war to last and sustain. In the words of Sir Jack Cater, the founding Commissioner of the ICAC, and I quote “there can be no real victory in our fight against corruption unless there are changes of attitude throughout the community.” Faithfully, we have stayed true to this mission.

Academic studies have suggested that the ICAC model has “proven enormously influential.” These studies also estimated that 30 to 40 national level ACAs around the world have drawn on the idea of a single, powerful, centralized anti-corruption agency. However, the result is mixed. If the Hong Kong ICAC’s story can be of use to other parts of the world, it may be that our journey proves there is no quick fix to the problem and piecemeal effort would be counterproductive. The fight against corruption is a long-term endeavour. Hong Kong has gone through 45 years before we can humbly say that corruption is being kept at bay. To build up an effective ACA to tackle corruption effectively, we need a comprehensive approach addressing both the symptoms and root causes of corruption, an institution which operates within robust rule of law and accountability system, and with the support of the government’s strong political will and the backing of the society at large.

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Simon Peh (Editor's note: Simon Peh is Commissioner

Bob Mackin

A B.C. Supreme Court judge has grounded an Air Canada cabin cleaner’s bid to appeal her firing for stealing a handful of almond packages and lotion.

Neena Cheema worked 17 years for the airline, but was fired in February 2016 after she pocketed four unopened packages of almonds and a tube of unused hand lotion left by a passenger in a plane’s first class section. Cheema was in a rush and forgot the items were in her pocket, instead of throwing them in the garbage.

Law Courts Vancouver (Joe Mabel)

While subsequently meeting a supervisor to talk about vacation scheduling, Cheema discovered the items were in her pocket and gave them to the supervisor.

The supervisor then reported the incident to her superior and claimed Cheema offered the items as a bribe. Cheema was called for an investigation hearing that she attended with a shop steward from her union, International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers lodge 140. Cheema was suspended pending discharge.

An arbitrator and judge upheld the firing, but the judge referred the case to another arbitrator. This time it was veteran arbitrator Vince Ready who came to the same conclusion.

On June 5, Justice Jasvinder Basran denied Cheema standing to pursue another judicial review. Her only avenue of appeal is to the Canadian Industrial Relations Board.

Basran found that the collective agreement does not make workers individual parties to grievances or arbitrations, because they are contracts between the union and the employer.

“Following certification, the employer loses the right to negotiate directly with the employees, and the union takes on the exclusive responsibility to negotiate on their behalf,” Basran ruled. “Under a collective agreement, administering grievances is one of a union’s essential roles.”

(Air Canada)

Despite that finding, Basran said he sympathized with Cheema’s predicament.

The relatively minor transgressions of removing a few packets of leftover almonds and some lotion, even when combined with the bewildering assertion that she attempted to use these items to bribe a fellow Air Canada employee, does not appear to be a firing offence,” Basran ruled. “The reliance on a purported zero-tolerance test is not determinative because a decision to terminate a long‑term employee requires the application of judgment and some semblance of proportionality.”

Basran was puzzled by Ready’s conclusion that Cheema’s actions merited firing, but accepted that Ready had applied the relevant test to the facts of the case.

“I suspect that over the almost 80 years of labour relations between unions and Air Canada, there have been Air Canada employees who have done far worse things and received much lighter penalties that fall well short of termination.”

There was small relief for Cheema, when Basran exercised discretion not to award costs against her.

”I do not believe such an order is justified in circumstances where a long term, 17‑year employee finds herself confronting both her former employer and union, whose positions are perfectly aligned with one another. She undertook this litigation to do whatever she could to continue her career after being terminated over a few nuts and a tube of lotion.”

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Bob Mackin A B.C. Supreme Court judge has

Bob Mackin (Updated July 4) 

The mayor of the city with the highest proportion of ethnic Chinese in British Columbia says he will not boycott a People’s Republic of China-sponsored reception at September’s Union of B.C. Municipalities convention.

Mayor Malcolm Brodie (left) and China’s Consulate-Gen. Tong Xiaoling in 2018 (PRC)

“I think the issue of civil rights in China has always been an issue and there have been protests of many kinds going back over the years,” said Richmond Mayor Malcolm Brodie in an interview with theBreaker.news. “From the city’s point of view, we have a very strong business sector, we have a huge number of ties between Richmond and China, Hong Kong and Taiwan, so I think from my point of view it’s just important we communicate. I don’t know that refusing to go to a reception is going to have any measurable effect on the entire issue and, so, from my point of view, if I’m able to, I will attend.”

Port Coquitlam Mayor Brad West told theBreaker.news last week that the UBCM should refuse the Chinese consulate’s $6,000 sponsorship payment and free food and booze reception on the grounds that it is a form of foreign lobbying and that China has a deplorable human rights record. In a May interview, Australian author Clive Hamilton called influence-buying and influence-gathering standard operating procedure for the Chinese Communist Party. 

Two Canadians, Michael Spavor and Michael Kovrig, were jailed in China last December in retaliation for the arrest of Huawei executive Meng Wanzhou at Vancouver International Airport. Meng is wanted in the United States on fraud charges. China has since stopped buying Canola and Canadian meat. Meanwhile, a million Uighur Muslims have been interned in Xinjiang on religious grounds and mass-protests in Hong Kong erupted last month against a proposed extradition law with China. China promised to let Hong Kong govern itself for 50 years after the United Kingdom ceded control to Beijing in 1997. 

China’s Vancouver consulate has sponsored the UBCM convention since 2012, when Xi Jinping became president. Brodie said remarks by Chinese consulate officials at the receptions he has attended have been about trade and economic development.

“People will make up their own minds whether they should attend that reception or not, but there has always been a diversity of receptions and other activities in association with UBCM.”

PoCo Mayor Brad West (Twitter)

Brodie said a reception at the convention sponsored by CUPE could also be seen as inappropriate, because Richmond is heading into contract negotiations with the city workers’ union. Brodie conceded that the substance of the lobbying by the consulate and the union cannot be compared.

“If you’re going to start picking and choosing you need to be consistent about it,” Brodie said. “Like everybody else, we have to be fair and balanced in our approach and get past any kind of overt lobbying that may go on. Having been at previous receptions at UBCM hosted by the PRC, I think the idea that we’re being lobbied at those events, other than to open up general lines of communication, I really think may be overemphasized.”

China is B.C.’s second biggest trading partner, behind the U.S. The 2016 Census found 107,080 of Richmond’s 196,660 residents were ethnic Chinese. Nearly 45% reported their mother tongue was Chinese. Cantonese led with 43,295, ahead of Mandarin at 39,540.

Brodie’s Canada Day itinerary included the late afternoon Canadian National Day Multicultural Carnival at King George Park in Richmond, hosted by the pro-Beijing Canadian Alliance of Chinese Associations.

In March, CACA chair Chen Yongtao was a guest delegate to the 13th National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference in Beijing. The carnival featured People’s Republic of China Consul Gen. Tong Xiaoling, Deputy Wang Chengjun and senior consul staff Hu Qiquan, Wang Jin and Ding Tian.

Brodie said he was not aware of Chen’s political affiliation and said he did not hear any political discussions at the event. “It was clearly a celebration of Canada, right down to the lion dance, where they had a dragon that went into the shape of a maple leaf,” Brodie said.

Three MPs, four MLAs and a councillor each from Richmond and Burnaby also attended.

Richmond Mayor Malcolm Brodie with Burnaby Coun. James Wang (left) and Richmond Coun. Chak Au at a Canada Day event in Richmond hosted by a Chinese Communist Party-related group. (Phoenix TV)

Since West complained to the UBCM, Delta Mayor George Harvie and Kamloops Mayor Ken Christian have said they would boycott the reception. Vancouver Mayor Kennedy Stewart will also not attend China’s reception at the UBCM, said spokesman Alvin Singh. 

“In the Mayor’s experience, these events do not accomplish anything constructive and thus he avoids them no matter who is hosting,” Singh said. He added that Stewart “prefers direct meetings with specific goals,” such as a June 24 meeting he had with Hong Kong’s representative to Canada where Stewart raised the Hong Kong diaspora’s opposition to the extradition bill. 

On Canada Day, Victoria Mayor Lisa Helps Tweeted that “China and Canada have a very strong and long relationship. Like all relationships, sometimes there are challenges. UBCM always has a reception hosted by the Chinese Consul and unless Ottawa directs, I think it should continue this year.”

On Twitter, West said he was “appalled at [Helps’s] morally compromised, pathetic rationalization of UBCM taking money from China.” He pointed out that UBCM has not always featured such a reception and the reception began without a membership resolution or direction from Ottawa.

“Ottawa has directed the Trans Mountain pipeline be built and the Mayor fights it tooth and nail. Why do the heinous actions of China get a pass?” West wrote.

Brodie was re-elected for a fifth time in 2018. One of his challengers, Richmond real estate and immigration lawyer Hong Guo, denied that China is a human rights abuser. 

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Bob Mackin (Updated July 4)  The mayor of