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Bob Mackin

theBreaker can exclusively show you photographs from the massive Site C dam construction area.

But little else. 

That is because BC Hydro, with the NDP government’s blessing, has censored most of the information about budgeting and scheduling for the $10.7 billion dam from the main civil works contractor’s 96-page, project status report for September 2017. 

theBreaker applied Nov. 8 under the freedom of information law for a copy of the Peace River Hydro Partners report for that pivotal month when the project went awry. BC Hydro finally delivered it on March 2 — almost three months after Premier John Horgan announced the BC Liberal-started dam would continue with “enhanced oversight.”

BC Hydro claims disclosure of this information would harm both BC Hydro and its contractors. theBreaker will appeal to the Office of the Information and Privacy Commissioner.

PRHP is the $1.75 billion main civil works joint venture of South Korea’s Samsung and Spain’s Acciona. Alberta’s Petrowest was the third member, but it went into receivership in August. 

What is censored? The list is long.

The summary of risks; schedule progress; changes in critical activities; comparison of actual progress and the latest updated work program; graphs showing actual progress and planned progress; manpower allocation and forecast; actual equipment on-site and forecast; and safety report statistics. 

There is a list of environmental incidents. The dates and locations are visible, but the nature of each incident is not. 

What is not censored? 

Fuel use.

As of September, 11.6 million litres of fuel (10.07 million litres of diesel) had been used for construction on the left bank, while 23.49 million litres of diesel had been used on the right bank. That would create a lot of exhaust for a project that BC Hydro has branded “clean.” 

There were five media inquiries made to PRHP in September, all on the same topic: the 200 workers laid-off Sept. 24-25.

The layoffs were a sign of major trouble brewing on the horizon.

BC Hydro claimed in a letter to the B.C. Utilities Commission on Aug. 30 that the project was “on time and on budget” for $8.335 billion, and it would likely not have to dip into the $440 million set aside by Treasury Board. 

On Oct. 4, BC Hydro CEO Chris O’Riley revealed to the BCUC that there had been “some geotechnical and construction challenges on the project.” The 2019 river diversion would be delayed by a year and the cost would jump $610 million. 

The NDP cabinet decided Dec. 6 that the project would go ahead at $10.7 billion — which is $4.1 billion more than the 2010-announced budget by the BC Liberals. 

In a Jan. 25 affidavit for Sage Legal, on behalf of the West Moberly First Nation, ex-BC Hydro CEO Marc Eliesen accused BC Hydro of mismanaging the project and misleading taxpayers about the costs and schedule. 

“In less than three and a half months, Site C costs increased from $8.335 billion to $10.7 billion, an increase of almost 30%,” Eliesen wrote. “There still remains seven years of scheduled construction to complete the project. BC Hydro claims to have been caught unaware by the material increases in its costs.”

Meanwhile, BC Hydro is downplaying the impacts of pausing work to clear a 29-kilometre stretch for a transmission line corridor. West Moberly First Nation convinced a B.C. Supreme Court judge to hold a 10-day injunction hearing between July 24 and Sept. 10. BC Hydro agreed to suspend the road clearing work until Oct. 1 or when a decision is made, whichever is soonest. 

BC Hydro spokeswoman Mora Scott told theBreaker “there is no impact” to the project schedule and BC Hydro is assessing potential cost implications. 

“Any increase in costs related to the work stoppage we expect to be covered by the project’s contingency,” Scott wrote. “We are proceeding with clearing and access road development along the transmission corridor outside of this area and waste wood disposal and hauling of already felled merchantable timber will continue along the entire transmission corridor.” 

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See the heavily censored Site C September 2017 project report

September PRHP .pdf by BobMackin on Scribd

See the Site C picture show

Bob Mackin theBreaker can exclusively show you photographs

Bob Mackin

The Vancouver advertising agency that helped the NDP regain power in British Columbia last year has the contract for a $600,000 campaign to promote the Horgan government’s 2018 provincial budget.

theBreaker confirmed that the Government Communications and Public Engagement office chose Now Communications Group from a list of preferred suppliers. The campaign launched Feb. 28, eight days after Finance Minister Carole James tabled the budget. It runs through March 18. 

A prepared statement from the ministry’s communications office, provided to theBreaker, said: “All agencies on the standing offers list had the opportunity to submit a bid for this work. The Now Communications Group bid was accepted based upon our standing offer proposal process which includes pre-determined evaluation criteria.”

GCPE spent $663,000 to promote the BC Liberals’ pre-2017 election budget and $773,000 to promote the party’s 2016 tax-and-spend blueprint.  

Marie Della Mattia (left), Robb Gibbs and Michele Della Mattia.

The NDP-appointed assistant deputy minister of strategic communications is former Now creative director Robb Gibbs. Gibbs oversees the government’s advertising and marketing office. Gibbs did not respond for comment. 

Deputy Minister Evan Lloyd did respond, but declined an interview request.

“The Now Group is one of 10 firms that secured a place on GCPE’s standing offer list, effective Jan. 1,” Lloyd said by email. “In anticipation of this start-work date, a standing offer proposal request was issued to all 10 firms [on the Jan. 1-effective preferred suppliers’ list] relating to the Feb. 20 provincial budget and its specific housing and child care components.

“This SOPR was issued in late December with a decision made in early January. It was anticipated, due to the extensive nature of this SOPR, a minimum of two firms would be selected. In fact, three firms were selected from this SOPR: Captus, NOW, and Trapeze. Their work is ongoing.”

Gibbs’s wife, Marie Della Mattia, was Now’s CEO until 2016 when she left to become John Horgan’s campaign advisor. After Horgan was sworn-in last July, the new premier hired Della Mattia to be his special advisor for $30,000, but she left in mid-January. Her LinkedIn profile describes Della Mattia’s self-employment as a coach “with attitude.” Her sister, Michele Della Mattia, is Now’s vice-president of operations. theBreaker exclusively reported Jan. 8 that Now was among 16 advertising and advertising research companies chosen for a three-year roster of pre-qualified suppliers. 

Now was established at the end of 1991, by Ron Johnson and Shane Lunny from the team that helped Mike Harcourt become B.C.’s second NDP premier. 

Now’s $165,000 contract in March 1992 for the Commission on Resources and Environment was the Harcourt government’s first scandal. Johnson co-wrote the party’s 1991 platform, which bluntly stated that a “Harcourt government will put an end to secret deals and special favours for political friends.” 

In May 1995, Auditor General George Morfitt reported that the NDP government spent $21.3 million on contracts with 10 ad agencies over four years, but Now was the top supplier at $4.8 million. Despite Now’s close ties with Harcourt, Morfitt surprised the ad industry by finding no pattern of favouritism. He was, however, “perturbed” that Now concealed the names and amounts paid to some of its subcontractors from the U.S.

The Horgan NDP government is using a system of prequalified companies for advertising contracts inherited from the BC Liberals. Otherwise, government procurement rules set $25,000 as the floor for a competitive process through advertising on BC Bid or obtaining three quotes. A public call for proposals is mandatory if a service contract is worth $75,000 or more. 

NDP ad agency Now Communications Group.

The BC Liberals spent $20 million on the controversial “Our Opportunity Is Here” B.C. services campaign, which sparked a class action lawsuit that ultimately wants the party to repay the public treasury. Two of the agencies contracted were owned by BC Liberal party campaign workers and friends of then-Premier Christy Clark. When the non-essential campaign launched in November 2015, then-opposition leader Horgan slammed the BC Liberals for “padding the pockets of their political pals.”

The NDP promised it would ban partisan advertising by the government and that it would empower the auditor general to approve or reject ad campaigns. 

The NDP budget ad campaign is the most-important, so far, from a strategic standpoint. But it is not the most-expensive. 

The StopOverdoseBC ad campaign through Traction Creative, Vizeum and Jungle Media is costing $2 million. The NDP government also ran a $300,000 campaign through St. Bernadine Mission and Captus Advertising to promote the “How We Vote” public comment period for electoral system reform. 

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Bob Mackin The Vancouver advertising agency that helped

On this edition of theBreaker.news Podcast, host Bob Mackin speaks to Vincent Gogolek, who retired at the end of February as the executive director of the British Columbia Freedon of Information and Privacy Association. 

As head of B.C. FIPA, Gogolek became one of Canada’s most important voices in the ongoing battle for citizens’ information access and privacy rights. Gogolek has a background in both law and journalism. In the interview, he recounts some of the victories and what still needs to be done. 

Plus, commentaries on Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s Delhi Debacle and how the media and public in the State of Washington banded together against secrecy in their state capital. 

Enjoy this week’s edition and spread the word. If you missed a previous edition, go here.

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theBreaker.news Podcast: Saluting a warrior in the battle for transparency and accountability
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On this edition of theBreaker.news Podcast, host

Bob Mackin

Burnaby’s NDP-leaning civic party had almost $600,000 in the bank last November, according to documents obtained by theBreaker

With less than a year until the Oct. 20 election, the Burnaby Citizens Association had more in its dedicated election account than it spent in the 2014 election. The party, led by five-term mayor Derek Corrigan, swept the nine-seat city council and seven-seat school board in 2014. Since then, city council’s Anne Kang and school board’s Katrina Chen successfully ran for the NDP in the 2017 provincial election. 

Burnaby Mayor Derek Corrigan and Paul Faoro of Burnaby Citizens Association donor CUPE (Facebook)

Minutes from a conference call by the party’s table officers on Nov. 7, 2017 show there was  $500,000 in the election account and $77,000 in a general account. By comparison, the party spent $473,728.97 of the $508,687 it raised for the 2014 campaign, according to Elections BC returns

The conference call happened the week after the NDP government tabled municipal campaign finance reform. Funds raised through Oct. 31, 2017 can be spent in 2018 campaigns, but parties can no longer take donations from unions and corporations. Individual donations are capped at $1,200 per year to a single party or candidate. 

The BCA treasurer, Rob Nagai, was the NDP’s provincial corporate fundraiser until the end of 2017 when he joined lobbying firm Bluestone Consulting. Nagai delivered the financial report on the conference call. He referred theBreaker to party president Gord Larkin, whose name does not appear on the minutes. He did not return a phone call. By email, he wrote: “As you are aware, new regulations were recently put in place. We will be complying with those rules.”

The only BCA politicians involved in the conference call were Colleen Jordan from city council and Gary Wong from school board.

All nine Burnaby Citizens Association council candidates were elected in 2014. (Facebook)

In 2014, corporations — primarily in real estate — donated $275,550 to BCA. Thind Properties Ltd. ($26,125), Appia Developments ($15,000), and Amacon Management Services ($7,500) were the biggest. A long list of others donated $5,000 each, including 4301 Hastings Development, Adex Enterprises, Anthem Properties, Blue Sky Properties, Boffo Construction, Bosa Properties, Intracorp, Kebet Holdings, RPMG Holdings Ltd., Rennie Marketing, and Wall Financial. 

The party also reported $202,220 from trade unions, mainly $127,875 from various arms of CUPE (which represents civic workers), $10,000 from the B.C. Government and Service Employees’ Union, and $8,375 from the Hospital Employees’ Union. 

BCA has led the local opposition to the Kinder Morgan pipeline expansion, but is under fire for permitting “demovictions” and luxury towers that have mushroom around Metrotown. 

The party’s annual general meeting is scheduled for March 14 and nomination meeting is April 25. 

The election is Oct. 20.

Vision Vancouver, by comparison, held its annual general meeting in January and reported a $28,670 deficit after raising $1 million from October 2016 to September 2017. It spent almost $700,000 on office expenses. 

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Bob Mackin Burnaby’s NDP-leaning civic party had

Bob Mackin

Two things are remarkable about ex-British Columbia Premier Christy Clark’s Feb. 28 speech to the Ontario Real Estate Association. 

First, it was Pink Shirt Day. The Nova Scotia-founded anti-bullying campaign that she championed while she was a CKNW talkshow host and later as the BC Liberal premier. She wore a blue jacket and blue shirt to the conference. 

Clark, sans pink, at a Toronto real estate conference on 2018’s Pink Shirt Day with OREA spokesman Jamie Hofing. (Twitter)

Second, reporters were shut out of the Toronto event. Both her speech and the question and answer session with OREA CEO Tim Hudak, the former Ontario PC leader, were closed to media accredited to cover the conference. 

Better Dwelling and Business Insider contributor Stephen Punwasi Tweeted that it was the “Only [conference] event media will not be able to attend. The era of real estate transparency in [Ontario] is inspiring.”

OREA spokesman Jamie Hofing told theBreaker by phone that “we wanted a candid conversation with Ms. Clark, and to do that, sometimes when media are present, people measure their words.”

Hofing provided theBreaker a copy of Clark’s speaking notes, but said there was no transcript or recording available. He said non-media attendees were not restricted from recording or photographing the speech. Clark’s presentation was titled “How Not to Become Your Own Worst Enemy.”

Hofing said the decision to prohibit reporters from Clark’s keynote session was made jointly by OREA and Clark’s agent, Jeff Jacobson Agency. Hofing refused to disclose the amount Clark was paid to appear at the convention, which was branded REALiTY: The Future is Unreal. The conference is attracting 800 attendees. A three-day pass cost $599.

Clark lost power in July 2017 on a no confidence vote when the Green Party supported the NDP, after Clark’s BC Liberals lost their majority in the May 2017 election. Clark was heavily criticized by opponents and the media for doing too little, too late to tax and regulate the real estate industry amid a housing affordability crisis. Her party was under fire for accepting millions of dollars of donations from real estate and construction companies that were profiting from a deluge of Chinese investment. 

The 1,290-word speech that Hofing provided included many themes that British Columbians had heard before. 

Clark’s script blamed the housing crisis on a shortage of supply, growing population and demand, consumers with double the borrowing power they had in 2000, and millennials “who are greater in number than even the baby boomers – and who are now entering the housing market for the first time – and they aren’t happy.”

Clark introduced a 15% foreign buyers tax in summer 2016 for Metro Vancouver, but exempted condominium presales. Liberal Premier Kathleen Wynne copied B.C.’s 15% foreign buyers’ tax in April 2017. Earlier this month, B.C.’s NDP government increased the tax to 20% and expanded it to the Fraser Valley, Central Okanagan and parts of Vancouver Island.

“There is no argument that in some regions it’s a terrible idea,” read Clark’s notes. “What if there was a tax on foreign buyers in Whistler where is exclusively a tourist economy?”

The speech criticized the decision in B.C. to end double-ending of real estate deals because of conflict of interest. 

Clark (left) and OREA’s Tim Hudak (OREA)

“Well what they didn’t appreciate is that in some small communities, there is only one realtor. And that in markets where price growth is the opposite of frothy, the potential for a problem is very low.”

Oddly, Clark’s speaking notes said that “My dream – and the dream of the vast majority of Canadians – is to have a roof over our heads that belongs to us. One that we can invest in and improve.  One that we can use to take the next step up the housing ladder if that’s what we choose. One that our kids can perhaps inherit one day.”

Clark’s name is on the deed for a house near Vancouver city hall that was assessed at $2.273 million. In summer 2016, she moved to a $3.3 million house in Dunbar that has Nevin Sangha listed on the deed. Sangha is the right-hand man to Vancouver Whitecaps’ owner and BC Liberal donor Greg Kerfoot. 

Last spring, Clark, her press secretary and her lawyer all ignored theBreaker’s questions about Clark’s tenancy agreement with Sangha.

Clark quit as both BC Liberal leader and Kelowna MLA last August, after Abbotsford MLA Darryl Plecas dissented at a Penticton caucus retreat. Plecas left the BC Liberal caucus to become the speaker in September.

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Bob Mackin Two things are remarkable about ex-British

Bob Mackin

Five years ago today, on Feb. 27, 2013, while Premier Christy Clark was posing in a pink shirt with high schoolers on anti-bullying day, the man who would succeed her rose to speak in Question Period. 

“Today another leaked Liberal document details a plan to target ethnic voters across British Columbia, blurring the line between partisan activity and public service,” said John Horgan, the NDP opposition house leader. “The document demonstrates the folding together of government services and resources into the election machinery of the B.C. Liberal Party. A central objective of the plan is ‘making sure that government, caucus and the party are all working together…in a coordinated…manner.’

“Certainly, this side of the House supports multiculturalism in British Columbia. What we don’t support, however, is the blurring of lines between partisan activity and public service.”

The December 2011-conceived multicultural strategic outreach plan was sent by Clark’s deputy chief of staff, Kim Haakstad, to members of the party, government and caucus. It was the BC Liberal blueprint to use taxpayer-funded resources to pander to ethnic voters in swing ridings and win the 2013 election. Some of the strategies were deemed Quick Wins, which became the nickname for the scandal. 

Evidence from the breach of public trust case against Brian Bonney.

Added NDP critic Carole James: “This is a very serious issue. These documents show that an entire strategy was developed by the B.C. Liberals based on using taxpayer dollars for their own partisan purposes. The then communication director for multiculturalism was assigned to develop comprehensive lists that would help the B.C. Liberal Party — and I quote from the document — ‘bypass the media to get our message out. Be very well prepared when the writ is dropped.’

“This is a clear violation of the rules, and according to this leaked Liberal document, the Minister for Multiculturalism has full responsibility for implementation of this plan.” 

Clark’s BC Liberals eventually won the 2013 election after Clark’s deputy, John Dyble, issued a whitewash report. Thousands of pages of email were finally published after the election. Some of those caught the eye of Adrian Dix, the man who would have been premier had the NDP chosen to run an aggressive campaign.

Dix complained to the RCMP and a special prosecutor, David Butcher, was appointed. It took until May 2016 for BC Liberal operative Brian Bonney to be charged with breach of public trust. A trial was scheduled to begin last October, but Bonney copped a guilty plea and was sentenced to nine months of house arrest on Jan. 31. 

Had the trial occurred, it would have easily overshadowed the contest to replace Clark as leader. Court time was scheduled through Feb. 22. Ex-Multiculturalism Ministers John Yap and Harry Bloy did not cooperate with the RCMP investigation. They would have been ordered to testify. 

Gabe Garfinkel (left) and Kim Haakstad were Christy Clark aides involved in the Quick Wins scandal.

Maybe Clark herself would have been called to answer about a brief email between two of her closest aides that says so much. 

Haakstad’s Feb. 22, 2012 one-line message to Clark executive assistant Gabe Garfinkel contained the two page “Status of Multicultural Plan” attachment. 

“I told PCC [Premier Christy Clark] I would give her an update on this,” Haakstad wrote. “Can you put it in her reading folder?” 

Clark claimed ignorance of the plan when she talked to reporters in Prince George on March 1, 2013 and, again three days later, in the Legislature. But that was before Bonney was charged and before that email ended up in a court file. 

She knew. Our she ought to have known. 

Haakstad to Garfinkel Email Feb 22-2012 by BobMackin on Scribd

Hansard 022713 QP by BobMackin on Scribd

Bob Mackin Five years ago today, on Feb.

Bob Mackin

Under the BC Liberals, negotiations for the new long-term agreement with casino operators were intended on generating more revenue, not security. 

Last November, the NDP government announced it had reached a new 20-year pact with the industry to replace operating agreements that are set to expire in 2021. The NDP, aiming to capitalize on headlines about money laundering at casinos, issued a news release that mentioned new compliance and security clauses, and a requirement for annual business plans, in exchange for letting casino operators keep more of their profits in the hope that they would renovate or expand. The deal, however, was substantially complete before the BC Liberals ceded power to the NDP last July. 

BCLC CEO Jim Lightbody (right)

Documents obtained by theBreaker, via freedom of information, show that then-Finance Minister Mike de Jong hosted a roundtable meeting Dec. 15, 2016 with senior bureaucrats from his office, officials from the Gaming Policy and Enforcement Branch and B.C. Lottery Corporation, and executives from Great Canadian Gaming, Gateway Casinos, Paragon Gaming, Chances, and the B.C. Gaming Industry Association. The location of the meeting was censored for seecurity reasons, but theBreaker confirmed it was the downtown Vancouver cabinet office at Canada Place. Elections BC’s database shows $187,254.74 in donations from Gateway to the BC Liberals since 2005 and $114,704.65 from Great Canadian, whose River Rock flagship hosted de Jong’s roast in 2015.

To prepare for that meeting, BCLC CEO Jim Lightbody and GPEB assistant deputy minister John Mazure wrote de Jong’s speaking notes. It is not clear whether de Jong used the ones provided by Lightbody alone or the version co-prepared by Lightbody and Mazure. 

A Nov. 30, 2016 briefing note by Lightbody outlined the business case for the new agreements with casino operators. It said service providers invested $200 million less in facilities development than in each of the two previous five-year periods. “The continued success of our market model is contingent upon [service providers] willingness to continue to invest in existing and new facilities and BCLC’s relationship with SPs must evolve to achieve market view alignment.”

The briefing note also said the casino market grew by $230 million between 2011 and 2016, but 14 of the province’s 36 gambling venues experienced revenue declines. “Investments in facilities that are new or have undergone substantial renovation, however, have proven to generate incremental revenue.”

An agenda for de Jong’s meeting with industry players and regulators indicated rising costs were a major issue for the private sector companies that operate B.C. casinos. It said the service providers wanted to discuss compensation for free slot play promotions, lengthy timelines for capital recovery, the offloading of BCLC costs to service providers, and the desire by service providers for greater control over casino marketing and gambling equipment. 

They also wanted to discuss the availability of cash alternatives, such as electronic funds deposits, for high rollers, who were referred to as “Very Very Important Persons” in the report. 

Lightbody’s briefing note for de Jong said table games were a priority business segment for BCLC, but B.C. offered the lowest commissions in the country for table games. BCLC opted to increase the commission by 2.5% to retain large service providers’ focus on B.C. and to remain competitive with other provinces. “Table game management is the most labour intensive gaming product for SPs and the increase in commission responds to the higher costs of labour required to operate and manage the games, including security considerations and anti-money laundering SP responsibilities.”

That was the only mention of anti-money laundering in the documents released to theBreaker.

The new deal announced by the NDP includes a 5% facility investment commission, based on net win (or the amount gamblers lose) to replace the 3% facility development commission and 2% accelerated facility development commission. Slot machine commissions for operators remain at 25%, table commissions rise from 40 to 42.5% and poker 75% to 77.5%. Commission for high-limit table games stays at 40%. 

The NDP, under Premier Glen Clark, launched the incentive program in 1997. The parkade at the 2017-opened B.C. Place casino, Parq, was built with at least $32.5 million in BCLC stimulus funds. 

theBreaker asked for agendas and minutes from the Dec. 15, 2016 meeting and an earlier meeting held to prepare for it, plus copies of presentation materials and handwritten notes and the post-meeting summary. The ministry only provided briefing notes and internal correspondence to set-up the meeting. 

The documents were censored because the originals allegedly contain policy advice and could harm government finances if disclosed. The only information withheld for security reasons was the location where the meeting took place and the coordinates for a conference call. 

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MAG-2017-73941 BCLC OSA by BobMackin on Scribd

Bob Mackin Under the BC Liberals, negotiations for

The PyeongChang 2018 Winter Olympics are over. So where does the International Olympic Committee and world sport go from here?

The easy answer is Beijing 2022. Chinese leader Xi Jinping appeared in a recorded greeting played during the closing ceremony of the South Korean Games. But it’s more complicated than that. 

Few cities want the Winter or Summer Games because of the out-of-control costs, questionable legacies, deterioration of human rights and the stench of corruption that seems to follow the five-ring circus everywhere it goes. 

On this edition of theBreaker.news Podcast, host Bob Mackin interviews Jules Boykoff, a political science professor at Pacific University in Oregon and the author of three books about the Olympics. His most-recent is Power Games: A Political History of the Olympics, published in 2016. Boykoff analyzes the International Olympic Committee’s dilemma and offers advice to citizens of Calgary, the 1988 host that is pondering a bid for the 2026 Winter Games.

Listen to theBreaker.news Podcast to learn how you can get your very own copy of Mackin’s Red Mittens & Red Ink: The Vancouver Olympics e-book for free. 

 Support theBreaker.news for as low as $2 a month on Patreon. Find out how. Click here.

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theBreaker.news Podcast: South Korea's Winter Olympics over, China next and then what?
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The PyeongChang 2018 Winter Olympics are over.

Bob Mackin

National Lampoon never sent the Griswolds to India, but Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s madcap family vacation to “Diwali World” will have to suffice.

Funny costumes and dancing, flubbed speeches, a celebrity chef who endorsed him on the campaign trail and a cameo appearance by a convict who traveled halfway around the world.

The latter was the one and only Jaspal Atwal, who was jailed for attempting to assassinate a visiting Indian cabinet minister in 1986. He generated headlines in 2012 for visiting the B.C. Legislature for the budget speech on Premier Christy Clark’s guest list.

Trudeau during his unannounced visit to Tasty Indian Bistro (Facebook)

It’s the latest in a string of bad judgment from Trudeau, who famously went to a private fundraiser with Chinese billionaires in 2016 and ended the year in luxury at the Aga Khan’s island.

How did Atwal, the Forrest Gump of the federal and BC Liberals, make it through security screening to get into India and then even more screening to get inside the Trudeau entourage in the subcontinent?

Instead of a SNAFU, could Trudeau’s RCMP security detail have been overruled by someone in the Trudeau entourage?

Will we ever find out?

Trudeau has called audibles before, surprising those who are paid to keep him safe.

A source told theBreaker that’s what happened last May 19.

The Prime Minister’s Office itinerary said he had an 11:15 a.m. meeting with members of the Filipino community at the Kubyertos Lechon House Restaurant in North Delta, before heading to Abbotsford’s Gur Sikh Temple.

Trudeau went off-script with lunch at Tasty Indian Bistro in North Delta. A source told theBreaker that he did so without his RCMP security detail.

theBreaker wanted answers from Trudeau’s press secretary, Cameron Ahmad, but he did not respond. Who was Trudeau meeting and what were they discussing?

The surprise trip to Tasty was the day after Trudeau’s fundraiser at the Sheraton Wall Centre in Vancouver.

Those who paid the $90 to $750 admission price included: Party bagman Raymond Chan and his wife Ting Ting Wang, National Observer columnist Sandy Garossino, Karim Lalji, chairman of the Aga Khan Conciliation and Arbitration Board in B.C., and Nevin Sangha, Greg Kerfoot’s right-hand man whose name appears on the deed for the Dunbar house occupied by Christy Clark.

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Bob Mackin National Lampoon never sent the Griswolds

Bob Mackin

The Olympic flag will pass to Beijing 2022 at Sunday’s PyeongChang 2018 closing ceremony, and the former CEO of Vancouver 2010 is already poised to capitalize on the return of the five-ring circus to China.  

John Furlong’s 2011 memoir, Patriot Hearts: Inside the Olympics that Changed a Country, was published last summer in Chinese with the blessing of Xi Jinping’s government. theBreaker obtained a copy and translated several chapters of the book, which is known in China as The Sun Finally Shines

Covers of Furlong’s 2011 book and the 2017 Chinese edition.

theBreaker compared the most-controversial sections of the English edition with the Chinese edition and found they are substantially the same, despite a high-profile international controversy that raged for more than three years.  

Errors and omissions in the original English publication inspired journalist Laura Robinson’s September 2012 exposé in the Georgia Straight newspaper, which was headlined John Furlong biography omits secret past in Burns Lake

Just like the English edition, the translation of the Chinese edition includes Furlong’s anecdote about leaving his native Ireland and traveling to Canada on an autumn day in 1974, with his wife and their son and daughter, and meeting a customs officer in Edmonton who told him “Welcome to Canada, please make us better.”

Furlong wrote that he was on his way to a teaching job at a Catholic high school in Prince George, British Columbia. However, Robinson revealed that Furlong had already been in Canada. He originally came in 1969 as an 18-year-old to work as a gym teacher at the Immaculata Catholic elementary school for aboriginal children. 

Forty-three years later, several students accused him of mental, physical and sexual abuse. 

Furlong denied all the allegations and the RCMP did not recommend charges. None of the allegations has been tested in court. On the day that Robinson’s feature was published, Furlong’s co-author, Gary Mason, admitted that Furlong never told him about his time in Burns Lake. Furlong said that he didn’t include his time in Burns Lake in Patriot Hearts because it was “fairly brief and fairly uneventful.”

Furlong filed, but later withdrew, defamation lawsuits against Robinson and the Georgia Straight. Robinson countersued Furlong for defamation, but a judge ruled in September 2015 that Furlong had a right to defend his reputation.  

Laura Robinson’s exposé in the Georgia Straight, Sept. 27, 2012.

Cathy Woodgate, one of the former students who alleged abuse, wrote an open letter to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau in November 2015, asking for Trudeau to remove Furlong from chairing the federally funded, Canadian Olympic Committee affiliate, Own the Podium.

At its annual meeting in July 2016, the Assembly of First Nations resolved to ask the federal government for a “thorough and impartial investigation” into allegations that Furlong abused aboriginal students. 

Furlong travelled to the PyeongChang Olympics in his capacity as chair of Own the Podium. He also leads a Canadian Olympic Committee group that is advising Calgary on a potential bid for the 2026 Winter Olympics. 

Russian intrigue, Korean bribery 

Just like the English edition, the translation of the Chinese edition mentions the death of his cousin, Siobhan Roice, after a terrorist car bomb exploded in Dublin in spring 1974. Furlong claimed that his father Jack was never the same after he identified Roice’s body at a makeshift morgue.  

The English translation of the Chinese edition of Patriot Hearts reads: 

However, everything changed after the afternoon of May 14 (sic), 1974. On this day, the life of our family has been completely changed…

The government urged people who lost their loved ones to go to a temporary mortuary in the city centre to claim their bodies. It was too unbearable for my aunt and uncle, and their home was 130 kilometres from the city centre. My father volunteered to take on this task. Later, he described the scene as a temporary morgue brutal beyond the imagination of people. Bombs exploded people into pieces, broken bodies were collected into bags, my father can only confirm the body of the ring by the fingers of Siobhan.

Robinson interviewed Roice’s brother Jim and quoted from a 2003 Irish newspaper interview with her father Ned, who said he found Siobhan’s body intact after the May 17, 1974 attack. 

Robinson’s lawyer, Bryan Baynham, challenged Furlong’s chronology and credibility in B.C. Supreme Court on June 23, 2015. Evidence showed that Furlong had returned to Ireland in 1972 after he was the victim of an assault during a Prince George amateur soccer game that he refereed. 

Furlong told the court that the date of his move to Canada was “frankly, irrelevant.”

“You didn’t arrive in Canada as a landed immigrant until 1975,” Baynham said.

“I’ll give you this,” Furlong replied. “I won’t say it was 1974.”

From the 2017 Chinese edition of John Furlong’s 2011 memoir.

As for his late cousin, Furlong maintained in court that Siobhan was “blown apart” and that “my version of the facts is true.” He told the court that Siobhan’s true condition was withheld from her mother for fear of adding to her grief. But he could not recall the last time he had spoken with the Roices.  

The head of Justice for the Forgotten, an Irish organization that represents victims of the 1974 terrorist attack, told this reporter in 2015 that she knew the Roices and confirmed that Siobhan’s father had travelled to Dublin to identify his daughter. “She was killed, almost certainly instantly, but was not ‘blown apart’,” said Margaret Urwin.

Like the English edition, the Chinese edition also contains sections that raised the eyebrows of the International Olympic Committee in 2011. Furlong had written about a non-monetary deal with the Mayor of Moscow, Yuri Luzhkov, to gain Russia’s votes in the host city election. He also alleged he saw members of South Korea’s bid team distribute watches and CD players during a meeting in Buenos Aires. The IOC had strict rules banning gifts after the Salt Lake 2002 bidding scandal. 

Furlong wrote that he travelled to Moscow with international bobsled executive Bob Storey to give Luzhkov advice on bidding for the 2012 Summer Games (which eventually went to London) in exchange for Russia’s six or seven votes.

Vancouver edged PyeongChang’s 2010 bid by just three votes in the second ballot victory at Prague in July 2003. PyeongChang lost again in 2007 to Sochi, Russia for the 2014 Winter Games, but finally won the 2018 hosting rights in 2011. 

The IOC, in May 2011, opted against disciplining Furlong. ”There is no evidence of wrongdoing and this is supported by John Furlong’s confirmation that no IOC members were involved in either case,” the IOC said at the time. 

The Chinese edition was published in mid-2017 by China Pictorial Publishing House with support of the Chinese People’s Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries and China Friendship Foundation for Peace and Development. 

All are arms of the Communist Party government.

The English title, lifted from O Canada, was changed for the Chinese market to The Sun Finally Shines

“The original title ‘Patriot Hearts‘ was about Canadian people’s patriotism, which created some distance for Chinese readers,” publisher Yu Jiutao told China.org.cn. ‘The Sun Finally Shines is actually the title of one of its chapters. We wanted it to sound inspiring to Chinese readers, as it is.”

Bob Mackin The Olympic flag will pass to