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Bob Mackin

The president of the Canadian Taxpayers Federation said one of his best hiring decisions was to contract the disgraced B.C. government communications director from the BC Liberals’ “Quick Wins” ethnic pandering scandal.

“This is a bad thing that happened to a good person,” Troy Lanigan said about Brian Bonney, in an interview with theBreaker

Lanigan was one of 61 people who wrote character reference letters in support of Bonney to Provincial Court Judge David St. Pierre, after Bonney pleaded guilty to breach of public trust last October. 

Canadian Taxpayers Federation’s Troy Lanigan (CTF)

On Jan. 31, St. Pierre gave Bonney a nine-month conditional sentence, to be served in the community. Bonney is under house arrest from 10 p.m. to 6 a.m. daily, among other conditions that he must follow in order to stay out of jail.

Bonney worked as a fundraiser during the CTF’s successful campaign to oppose the TransLink expansion tax plebiscite in 2015, which was revealed by the Georgia Straight at the time of the campaign. Lanigan was quoted calling the cost of the Quick Wins investigation “obscene” and “ridiculous.”

Court files obtained by theBreaker revealed that Bonney has remained with the CTF’s B.C. division, playing an integral role as the general sales manager for the lobby group. His resume boasts hiring, training and motivating 18 new territory managers who increased B.C. fundraising totals from $300,000 to $795,000 in two years. 

Lanigan’s Nov. 10 letter called Bonney task-focused, enthusiastic and loyal. “No matter what the outcome of this sentencing, I can tell you Brian has a home and a job with the Canadian Taxpayers Federation,” Lanigan wrote. 

“I sense this entire experience for him has been an incredibly costly lesson in the maxim: if you lie with dogs you will get fleas. I’m fairly certain Brian has had his share of fleas.”

During sentencing, both special prosecutor David Butcher and defence lawyer Ian Donaldson agreed that Bonney was not the mastermind or director of the scheme to use taxpayers’ funds to help the party gain votes from ethnic communities in a bid to win the 2013 election.

The court heard that ex-cabinet ministers John Yap and Harry Bloy did not cooperate with the RCMP investigation, on advice of their lawyers, and that then-Premier Christy Clark had been briefed on the multicultural plan a year before it was leaked. Clark had claimed in 2013 that she only learned of it when the NDP tabled a copy of the Multicultural Strategic Outreach Plan in the Legislature.  

Lanigan’s letter mentioned a “very senior political aide close to the events” had told him Bonney had been “thrown under the bus,” that he deserved a break and his hiring would benefit the CTF. 

Asked for the name of that aide, Lanigan would only say “it was someone who was very senior, close to the premier. That person probably wouldn’t be happy I wrote that.” 

Brian Bonney after his Jan. 31 sentencing. (Mackin)

Besides Lanigan, two former B.C. directors of the CTF, Jordan Bateman and Gregory Thomas, also wrote letters in support of Bonney. No BC Liberal politician wrote in Bonney’s favour, but his Mainland Communications partner, Mark Robertson, did. Robertson and Bonney were fined $5,000 in 2016 under the Election Act for financing irregularities in the 2012 Port Moody by-election.

Lanigan said the CTF did not help fund Bonney’s legal defence, nor was it asked to.

But what about the optics of the anti-waste/anti-corruption CTF employing a former civil servant that St. Pierre described as being involved in “a kind of political corruption”?

Lanigan reiterated that the CTF is “concerned about proper and ethical use of tax dollars” and pointed to the BC Liberals’ repayment to the public treasury of half of Bonney’s $140,000 salary. 

“Partisan goings-on in the Legislature should be cleaned up,” he said. “Maybe this is a wake-up call to that.”

St. Pierre’s ruling acknowledged Bonney’s reputation suffered in the five years since the scandal broke. Court files indicate that the 55-year-old’s father Richard and one of his two brothers, Colin, passed away last year. Bonney’s marriage of 31 years produced five children, now aged 18 to 27. Four of his offspring continue to live at his residence, and two of them invited their partners to live there. 

Submissions from Donaldson say Bonney has had a long association with Scouts Canada and the Rotary Club. More recently, he has volunteered with the First Nations Education Foundation to preserve and revitalize aboriginal languages. 

Postmedia and theBreaker successfully applied to St. Pierre for access to court exhibits from the case, though several pages were withheld and St. Pierre banned publication of home addresses, phone numbers and email addresses. 

He did not order redaction of Bonney’s address. In court, however, Donaldson quietly used scissors to remove it from a copy of Bonney’s resume in the court file. 

In his conclusion, St. Pierre wrote that: “The message to be passed on to other public servants in similar situations is that while there may be unfair and undeserved employment consequences for saying, ‘No Minister’, these consequences pale in comparison to the ones being experienced by Mr. Bonney right now.”

Bonney left the courthouse on his own, two hours after he was sentenced. But he did not answer any questions from reporters

“I kinda wish he’d talk, too,” Lanigan said. “I understand he wants to get this all behind him and move forward. It’s had a hell of a toll on him personally and his family and everything in between. I feel for my friend, I really do.” 

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Bob Mackin The president of the Canadian Taxpayers

Bob Mackin

The Richmond casino at the centre of an anti-money laundering report, that the BC Liberals buried, gave Mike de Jong a free stage and spotlight for a night, theBreaker has learned. 

Leadership candidate de Jong’s Jan. 14, 2015 “20th Anniversary in the Legislature Roast” happened 78 kilometres west of his Abbotsford riding, at River Rock Casino Resort. While he was finance minister from 2012 to 2017, de Jong’s duties included oversight of the public-owned gambling promoter, B.C. Lottery Corporation, and its regulator, Gaming Policy and Enforcement Branch. 

BC Liberal leader wannabe de Jong was roasted in 2015 at River Rock Casino Resort.

Chuck Keeling, Great Canadian Gaming’s vice-president, said in an emailed statement to theBreaker that his company regularly hosts non-profit and charitable events “when they align with our community support initiatives and when scheduling allows.”

“Consistent with our typical practice surrounding charitable events, we waived our venue fee and associated audio-visual costs, but charged commercially standard food and beverage rates,” Keeling said. “Great Canadian Gaming or River Rock had no involvement in the planning of the event beyond being the chosen venue.”  

The de Jong roast was billed as a fundraiser for the Abbotsford Hospice Society. Its executive director, Ron Kuehl, told theBreaker that it received $5,000 in proceeds from the event organized by former de Jong aide Dave Cyr. In November 2014, Cyr registered to lobby the government on behalf of River Rock’s parent, Great Canadian Gaming, and he listed de Jong as his target contact.

In an interview, Cyr said he wasn’t the organizer and he couldn’t remember who was. Cyr said that he “helped out on the event, just basically helped sell some tickets for the hospice.” Cyr said 250 to 300 people attended the $125-a-plate event. 

theBreaker asked de Jong’s leadership campaign organization for comment, but nothing came before deadline.

Between April 2015 and May 2017, Great Canadian donated more than $120,000 to the BC Liberals. 

Dermod Travis, of government accountability watchdog IntegrityBC, said a charity roast involving politicians is appropriate if all the funds raised in excess of the cost go to the charity. “It becomes an issue when you do it in a facility that you have regulatory oversight for,” Travis said. 

Clark Tweeted a photo of Farnworth (left) and de Jong showing-off their hairdos.

“It is very clear you do not patronize facilities that are under your regulatory authority, particularly in areas such as gambling, simply because it leaves a perception. You don’t create a situation where a company, a facility that you might one day have to sanction or charge, is also a facility that you are patronizing,” Travis said. “The way to avoid that perception is to find a facility that doesn’t have a casino in it. There’s no shortage in Vancouver.”

Media reports before 2015 already indicated large, suspicious transactions were on the rise at B.C. casinos, including River Rock. Some reports indicated gamblers were arriving with hockey bags full of cash. 

Consultant MNP’s July 2016 report to GPEB said gamblers from China were using underground banks to bring large sums of potentially dirty money to River Rock. The report was finally released last September by NDP Attorney General David Eby, who has vowed to clean-up B.C. casinos.

“The majority of this cash is being presented by persons commonly referred to as high roller Asian VIP clients. Single cash buy-ins in excess of $500,000 with no known source of funds have been accepted at [River Rock],” said MNP’s report.

On Oct. 29 of last year, more than a month after the MNP report’s release, de Jong returned to River Rock for a campaign event with supporter and local Liberal MLA Teresa Wat. (Wat and Clark co-hosted a November 2016 party fundraiser at River Rock, which netted $124,450.42.) 

Great Canadian told its shareholders in early 2015 that River Rock’s table game net revenue jumped 30% during the 2014 Chinese New Year compared to 2013. Just over a month after the de Jong roast, BCLC published its three-year service plan on the annual provincial budget day. It said: “The segment of our business that contributed most to our net income this year – high-limit table games – is heavily dependent on an international player base and the tourism industry.”

Clark appeared at de Jong’s roast in River Rock.

The de Jong roast included appearances by Premier Christy Clark, press gallery veterans Vaughn Palmer and Mike Smyth performing a Coach’s Corner-inspired skit, and de Jong’s NDP counterpart Mike Farnworth, among others. 

Coincidentally, the Abbotsford Hospice Society’s audited financial report for 2015 said that it agreed, on the same day as the de Jong roast, to a $4.3 million B.C. Housing loan at an RBC prime minus 1.75% interest rate. 

A May 2011 B.C. government news release heralded a $3.5 million taxpayer grant towards the society’s $7.5 million fundraising goal for the two-storey, 28,500 square foot hospice. In March 2015, a news release announced another $2.5 million grant and said the society had raised $10 million. It also said construction started in 2013 and the 10-bed, 30,000 square foot hospice would open in 2015. 

The hospice finally opened in April 2016.  

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Bob Mackin The Richmond casino at the centre

Bob Mackin

Six years after the BC Liberals hatched their secret multicultural outreach plan and almost five years since it was leaked and tabled in the Legislature, only one person was convicted and sentenced.

Brian Bonney pleaded guilty in October to breach of public trust for mixing political campaigning with his job as a government communications director and was sentenced Jan. 31. Bonney was a middleman in the so-called Quick Wins scheme aimed at winning swing ridings in the 2013 election by targeting voters from ethnic groups. 

Brian Bonney, after his Jan. 31 breach of trust sentencing hearing. (Mackin)

Provincial Court Judge David St. Pierre gave Bonney a nine month conditional sentence, to be served at his house, with a nightly curfew and other conditions, including a ban on alcohol. Court heard that veteran politico Bonney was not the mastermind and that two former cabinet ministers did not cooperate with the RCMP investigation, on advice from their lawyers. 

Had it gone to trial, John Yap and Harry Bloy could have been ordered to testify. Such a trial would have lasted until Feb. 22 and overshadowed the election of a new leader to replace former Premier Christy Clark. Bonney did not stop to talk with reporters; see raw video of him leaving the courthouse here.

A copy of St. Pierre’s sentencing reasons is below. Watch theBreakerVision below for a report on the scandal’s climax.

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R v Bonney – Reasons for Sentence by BobMackin on Scribd

Bob Mackin Six years after the BC Liberals

BC Liberal operative Brian Bonney left Provincial Court Jan. 31 with a nine-month conditional sentence, after pleading guilty last October to breach of public trust.

Bonney was a key member of the team involved in the party’s multicultural outreach strategy before the 2013 election. But, as court heard, he was not the ringleader of what came to be known as Quick Wins. Bonney’s guilty plea scuttled a trial, which would have lasted until Feb. 22.

Former cabinet ministers John Yap and Harry Bloy did not cooperate with the RCMP investigation.

This is what happened when Bob Mackin sought Bonney’s comment.

BC Liberal operative Brian Bonney left Provincial

Bob Mackin

Whether it meant to or not, British Columbia’s biggest public university is spending $945,000 on an advertising campaign that recycled the NDP’s 2017 campaign slogan. 

The University of British Columbia’s “For a better BC” campaign profiles four diverse students on the UBC website, with corresponding YouTube videos, and radio ads that launched earlier this week on CKNW.

Scenes from University of B.C.’s “For a better BC” ad campaign, including Okanagan student Tim Abbott (UBC)

One of the subjects is Tim Abbott, an environmental engineering doctorate candidate at UBC’s Okanagan campus. In the video, Abbott wears an orange toque eerily similar to NDP orange. The videos and radio spots end with the subjects repeating their name, and declaring “I go to UBC for a better B.C.”

Leslie Dickson, associate director of UBC’s public affairs department, denied the government had direct or indirect involvement in the campaign. She said the creative concept and slogan were developed by UBC in collaboration with creative agency Taxi and media buyer Mediacom.

“The tagline, ‘for a better B.C.,’ was chosen because it best reflected the campaign’s stories of four UBC students who are working to make our province a better place for everyone,” Dickson told theBreaker.

Rodney Porter, spokesman for Advanced Education Minister Melanie Mark, said the ministry does not get involved in individual advertising or marketing campaigns by public post-secondary institutions.

But a government accountability watchdog isn’t buying either of those explanations. Dermod Travis of IntegrityBC said the university should come clean about how it came to use the slogan.

Examples of how the NDP used the “Better B.C.” slogan, before and after the 2017 election. (NDP/BC Gov)

“No matter what the excuses are, it is incredibly inappropriate for any public agency to be using a political slogan that has so recently been employed in the province of B.C., as this slogan was only a few months ago,” Travis said. “Whether they’re trying to court favour with government is one issue, whether the government is trying to encourage the use of that slogan is another issue. At the end of the day, it shouldn’t be used. Period.”

An April 4 news release declared “John Horgan and the BC NDP kick off campaign for a better B.C.” Horgan’s introduction in the party platform said “I believe it’s time to build a better B.C.” The party held a “Countdown to a better B.C.” rally at the Commodore Ballroom in Vancouver on April 23, with a banner reading “Better BC” in bold, capital letters on the stage.

The word “better” appeared 17 times in the Sept. 8, 2017 Throne Speech, outlining priorities for the fall session of the Legislature. Headings included: Foundations of a Better B.C. and Vision for a Better B.C.

“Your government will build a better B.C. where no one is left behind,” it said.

Bob Mackin Whether it meant to or not,

British Columbia’s opposition party will choose a new leader on Feb. 3.

The marathon campaign to replace interim leader Rich Coleman (who succeeded ex-Premier Christy Clark last summer) finally got feisty on Jan. 23.

This is a party at the crossroads. The biggest, first task for the winner will be unity. It won’t be easy to pick-up the pieces and create a new vision for the free enterprise coalition after Clark’s disastrous “clone speech” that plundered the NDP and Green platforms and led to the fall of the 16-year BC Liberal dynasty. It split the party and sparked an indentity crisis. 

On this edition of theBreaker.news Podcast, listen to the most-exciting moments of the six-candidate debate.

Plus a commentary on Clark’s deceptive claim she’s a champion of women’s rights, a scan of Pacific Rim and Pacific Northwest headlines, and find out how you can support theBreaker.

theBreaker.news Podcast. It’s free to listen. 

 

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theBreaker.news Podcast: Is the BC Liberal leadership race peaking or going over the edge?
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British Columbia's opposition party will choose a

Bob Mackin

One of the most-powerful people in the Clark Clique was Athana Mentzelopoulos.

The longtime and loyal Liberal bureaucrat became known as “The Bridesmaid” because she was part of Christy Clark’s wedding entourage. She held a variety of senior roles in Clark’s 2011 to 2017 administration.

Athana Mentzelopolous laughed all the way to the bank, with a $475,000 golden parachute (BC Gov)

Mentzelopoulos was the head of government communications in 2012 when the BC Liberals falsely claimed the RCMP was investigating a health data breach that sparked the unjust and wrongful firings of government researchers. Several defamation lawsuits and a suicide followed. 

In 2016 and 2017, she was the deputy minister of finance under Mike de Jong, who concealed a consultant’s damning 2016 report about money laundering at River Rock casino, for fear that it would cost the party votes.

Mentzelopoulos was fired on the last day of the 16-year BC Liberal dynasty with a $475,000 golden parachute. Clark signed the order-in-council. She became the Canadian Credit Union Association’s head lobbyist later in the summer.

In the waning days of her job as de Jong’s deputy minister, she starred in the Treasury Board’s boxing-themed video in pursuit of the Premier’s Award of Excellence. Mentzelopoulos’s interview was shot in her office May 25, more than two weeks after election day and just over a month before the minority BC Liberals were toppled by the NDP/Green alliance in a confidence vote on the “clone speech.”

Read the nomination form, obtained under the freedom of information law: “We would like to tell the story of how government was impacted by the global recession of 2008 and faced the challenge of returning to a balanced budget while maintaining critical services of health, education, and social services, with a focus on the creative and diligent work guided by [Treasury Board Secretariat] through the strict caps on adminstrative expenditures, bureaucratic accountability, and a focus on government priorities which lead (sic) to the tabling of five consecutive balanced budgets.”

“We would like to have interviewees in a professional business setting, juxtaposed with a series of shots/scenes taken at a local kickboxing gym [Peterec’s Kickboxing Gym]. We would like to use voicover through a series of visual metaphors that tell the story of how Treasury Board staff had to be ‘fiscal warriors’ training, pushups, sparring, etc. ie. ‘To knock out a deficit you need to be… disciplined, tough, work as a team’, etc.”

Career politician de Jong

In a Jan. 24 column in The Tyee, longtime BC Liberal and former bureaucrat Tex Enemark declared the “so-called” balanced budgets “a fraud” because the Finance Ministry looted financially troubled, taxpayer-owned monopolies BC Hydro and ICBC. (Coincidentally, Enemark’s younger brother, Gord, is an executive director in the Treasury Board Secretariat and worked under Mentzelopoulos.)

“The only ones who care about balanced budgets are those seeking talking points or who do not, in fact, believe in government,” Enemark wrote. “You would be surprised how many ministers in the Clark government just did not believe in government.”

The Clark Clique played a grand game of doublespeak. While touting artificially balanced budgets, they drove up the debt. B.C.’s debt ballooned from $45.2 billion in 2011 to $66.7 billion through March 31, 2017. The budget that leadership wannabe Mike de Jong delivered in February 2017 forecast a $77.7 billion debt by 2020. 

Clark toured the province in a motorcoach during the 2013 election that was emblazoned with the “Debt Free B.C.” campaign slogan. Between the 2013 and 2017 elections, the BC Liberals put the province a further $10.85 billion in the hole. 

The NDP’s John Horgan succeeded Clark as Premier in July 2017. When the awards were doled out last November, the Liquor Control and Licensing Branch — not the Treasury Board — won the organizational excellence category for liquor law reform. The Public Service Agency published the video anyway on its YouTube page. Dated Nov. 2, 2017, by Jan. 26, 2018, it had attracted the grand total of 163 views. 

Outtakes from Mentzelopoulos’s interview were obtained by theBreaker, under the freedom of information law.

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Bob Mackin One of the most-powerful people in

Bob Mackin

Change is constant and it can be very costly on a megaproject. 

Oxford University professor Bent Flyvbjerg’s “iron law of megaprojects” theory says that megaprojects tend to be delivered “over budget, over time, over and over again.” 

Take BC Hydro’s Site C dam, for instance. The BC Liberal government said in 2010 that it would cost $6 billion, later it ballooned to $8.8 billion. Further cost overruns were exposed by the B.C. Utilities Commission’s expedited review last year. When Premier John Horgan decided in December to keep building, he revealed the new cost of $10.7 billion. Higher and higher it goes. Where it will end, nobody knows. 

Horgan vowed in December that a new board would offer “enhanced oversight” to keep the project under control. But the NDP government has not moved on promises to reform public disclosure laws, policies and procedures. Outlets like theBreaker are already aiming to provide the public independent “enhanced oversight” of public spending and policymaking. It appears little has changed at BC Hydro since the Horgan Horde took over from the Clark Clique last July. 

On June 16, just four days after the Clark minority government’s post-election cabinet swearing-in, theBreaker asked for the Site C change order log, showing the individual cost changes to the project since Jan. 1, 2017. Change order logs are standard for any major construction project, and tell the story of how a project evolves. 

On July 28, BC Hydro refused to release any of the records, because it feared undue financial loss or gain to a third party. theBreaker complained to the Office of the Information and Privacy Commissioner.

On Jan. 22, BC Hydro finally released 10 heavily censored pages. The Crown corporation continues to stubbornly withhold all the costs of each of the contract changes. theBreaker will continue to seek the full documents, because, on a similar case decided last October, the Office of the Information and Privacy Commissioner ruled that the government cannot withhold change order logs. 

An adjudicator ordered the Ministry of Transportation and Infrastructure to release costs of contract changes for the Evergreen Line.

The documents obtained by theBreaker as a result of the decision showed another $11 million in costs, which cast doubt on BC Liberal claims that the troubled Millennium Line extension to the Tri-Cities cost $1.43 billion. The OIPC ruling said there was no legal basis for maintaining secrecy of costs from a negotiated contract. In fact, the lawyer representing the government favoured release. Only Evergreen Line contractor SNC-Lavalin opposed disclosure, but did not offer any evidence that disclosure would harm its business. (SNC-Lavalin, the scandal-plagued Montreal engineering and construction giant, is also a contractor on Site C.) 

So what are some of the changes at Site C? 

A budget transfer from procurement to construction management. An increase for the independent environmental monitor. Transfer of staff from public affairs to environmental management and administration. A change to the contract value for the turbines and generators contract and a separation of the sub-project for the Generation Station and Spillway and Turbine and Generator. A radioactive pipe was disposed. A change to the Doig River First Nation burial site identification. And a contingency draw and budget transfer for the Portage Mountain Quarry. 

Those are just the tip of the iceberg, as you can see from the documents below. 

Were there any cost savings or did all of these contribute to cost overruns? 

theBreaker will endeavour to find out and let you know. 

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BC Hydro Site C Change Order Log 2018-037 by BobMackin on Scribd

Bob Mackin Change is constant and it can

Bob Mackin

A deputy minister in the Christy Clark BC Liberal administration, who left the government with a $387,359 severance last July, has registered to lobby the NDP transport minister for a group representing non-union construction companies.

It is perfectly legal, for now.

Tim McEwan joined the Independent Contractors and Businesses Association of B.C. last September as senior vice-president of policy and stakeholder engagement. He registered Jan. 22 as one of three ICBA lobbyists. 

Ex-Deputy Minister Tim McEwan (LinkedIn)

At the end of November, the NDP government amended the Lobbyists’ Registration Act to ban former public office holders from lobbying for two years after departing government. That would have prevented McEwan from registering. However, the cooling-off period clause isn’t effective until Premier John Horgan’s cabinet says so. 

Liam Butler, a spokesman for Attorney General David Eby, said the amendments will “come into force by regulation, anticipated in spring 2018.” 

Even then, McEwan could be allowed to continue. 

“Once the amendments are in force, former public office holders that are captured in the two-year period will need to terminate their registration and apply for an exemption with the [Office of the Registrar of Lobbyists],” said Michelle Mitchell, spokeswoman for the registry. “They will be required to cease lobbying immediately.”

McEwan had three stints in the B.C. government, most recently five years under Clark. He was assistant deputy minister in the major investments office for three-and-a half years and then spent two years as deputy minister of small business, red tape reduction and liquor distribution.

Dermod Travis of government watchdog IntegrityBC said McEwan would have potentially better access to information than others, putting his employer in an unfair advantage. Travis said the NDP footdragging means it is not fulfilling lofty democratic reform promises it made while in opposition. 

“I suspect the public thought the NDP was going to represent more of a change than how the previous government operated, and less of government operating behind closed doors with party pals,” Travis said. “What we’re beginning to see is something like a line change in an NHL game.” 

Ex-NDP corporate fundraiser Rob Nagai with John Horgan. (Twitter)

Travis said B.C. ultimately needs the same type of transparency in lobbying as exists in Washington, D.C., where lobbyists are required to make public financial disclosures. 

McEwan listed his lobbying target as Transportation and Infrastructure Minister Claire Trevena, intending to discuss “project labour agreements.” Trevena’s ministry is reviewing TransLink’s business case for capital funding to build a new Pattullo Bridge, Broadway Subway and Surrey light rail transit. The megaprojects were estimated at $5.1 billion, combined, in 2014. The Mayors’ Council received a secret update on the skyrocketing costs in 2016, theBreaker exclusively reported.  

The ORL fined ICBA president Chris Gardner $1,000 last year for failing to update the organization’s registration. 

The $7 million guy 

Meanwhile, the B.C. NDP’s major gifts fundraiser, Rob Nagai, left the party in December after corporate and union donations to parties were banned. He joined BC Liberal lobbyist Mark Jiles’s Bluestone Group in January and has registered to lobby for six clients: Motion Picture Industry Association, Society of Notaries Public of B.C., Vitalus Nutrition, New Car Dealers of B.C., B.C. Salmon Farmers Association and B.C. Chiropractic Association. 

Nagai’s partner on the B.C. Salmon Farmers Association account is former BC Liberal cabinet minister Don McRae. McRae sat as a back-bencher during his last two years in office and would not be subject to the two-year lobbying ban because MLAs are exempt. 

Nagai boasted raising more than $7 million over seven years as the NDP’s corporate fundraiser. Jiles, a former business partner of BC Liberal powerbroker Patrick Kinsella, was the subject of an early 2017 Globe and Mail report about indirect donations by lobbyists to the BC Liberals. An RCMP investigation and appointment of special prosecutor David Butcher ensued.

Despite his rapid registrations, Nagai pales in comparison to NDP insider Bill Tieleman, who also appears as a pundit on CBC and is co-ordinating a multiparty campaign to defeat the proportional representation referendum. 

Tieleman registered his 17th client on Jan. 22, the Greater Vancouver Board of Trade-backed Better Transit and Transportation Coalition that is lobbying for the TransLink megaprojects.

NDP lobbyist Bill Tieleman and ex-BC Liberal Attorney General Suzanne Anton (Twitter)

His other 16 active clients are: B.C. Insulation Contractors Association, B.C. Naturopathic Association, Crumb Rubber Manufacturers Association of Canada Processing, Canadian Football League Players’ Association, Construction and Specialized Workers’ Union Local 1611, International Association of Heat and Frost Insulators and Asbestos Workers Local 118, International Longshore and Warehouse Union Canada, International Union of Operating Engineers Locals 115 and 963, Ironworkers Union Shop Local 712, Landcor Data Corp., Unifor Locals 111, 333 and 2200, Union of Canadian Transportation Employees, and Vancouver Native Housing Society. 

Several of Tieleman’s industrial union clients succeeded in convincing Horgan to carry-on with the Site C dam, now estimated at $10.7 billion. Tieleman joined ex-BC Liberal Attorney General Suzanne Anton and former longtime bureaucrat Bob Plecas in the anti-proportional representation campaign. 

“Sometimes three different types of hats — which is what he is currently wearing — is going to inevitably lead you into a conflict and that conflict will not look good on government,” Travis said. “It won’t look good on democratic institutions in B.C., and it raises concerns over the transparency and legitimacy of the upcoming referendum.” 

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Bob Mackin A deputy minister in the Christy

Bob Mackin

In a quest for more revenue, B.C.’s NDP government is planning to change the way you buy liquor and how you gamble — despite launching a new ministry to battle addictions.

The B.C. Lottery Corporation has a tentative $250,000 no-bid contract through 2019 with a Vancouver studio to develop new virtual reality games.

NDP technology minister Bruce Ralston at Archiact’s studio last August (Facebook)

A notice of intent says that Archiact Interactive Ltd. is the only supplier capable of the assignment “because of their specific focus developing game applications for VR delivery in gaming contexts for an assortment of retail and hospitality networks.”

Competitors have until Jan. 26 to formally challenge the contract. 

Archiact was founded by Frank Shen and Derek Chen. In 2016, they sold a 10% stake in the company for $4.2 million to China-based 37 Interactive Entertainment. 

BCLC is searching for a way to reach millennials amid an aging gambling market. A Sept. 25, 2017 briefing note to Attorney General David Eby, who is responsible for gambling promotion and regulation, said that BCLC’s online gambling portal, PlayNow.com, “has continued to grow year over year while land-based gambling is flat lining.”

Meanwhile, the Liquor Distribution Branch wants to sell booze online like Ontario. 

The Crown alcohol wholesaler and retailer is accepting bids through Feb. 6 for acquisition, implementation, design and ongoing enhancement of an e-commerce software as a service or cloud application solution. LDB’s web store would include the option for home delivery or online reservations and in-store pick-up.

The tender document doesn’t say how soon the public could be clicking and sipping, but it wants phase one of the three-phase program to be up and running this summer.

LDB consultants Forrester Research and Gartner Canada Co., the tender document said, “concluded that an all-in-one [business to business] and [business to consumer] e-commerce software solution is the best approach for the LDB in the beginning stages of developing a digital commerce business. Moreover, an all-in-one e-commerce software solution will ensure that the selected e-commerce software solution will include all major pillars of digital commerce management, experience management, order management, transaction management and product management.” 

Ontario’s Crown liquor giant launched online sales in July 2016 (LCBO).

In B.C., individual stores, like Legacy Liquor Store in the Olympic Village, are allowed to offer online plonk purchasing and beer buying. 

Liquor Depot and Liquor Barn sell online to Albertans via LiquorDirect.ca. The Seattle, Calgary and Edmonton markets are targeted by Drizly.com, which wants to become the Amazon of liquor.  

“Coast to coast, we work with local stores to make the biggest selection and best prices available to you,” says the Boston company’s online sales spiel. “Drizly gives you a better option for shopping beer, wine and liquor in your area. Choose to have it delivered immediately, schedule it for later or pick it up in-store to skip the line. It’s up to you.”

In July 2016, after a three-month internal soft launch, Liquor Control Board of Ontario began selling 5,000 products online, giving customers the option of shipping free to one of the 654 LCBO stores or paying a $12 service charge for home delivery within one-to-three days by Canada Post for orders $50 and up.

Online sales brought-in $7 million in the first year, but LCBO forecasts it to become a $1 billion bonanza within five-to-seven years. 

In November, Advertising Age reported that only 0.2% of beer sales were online last year, but Heineken USA CEO Ronald den Elzen forecast it would grow to 2.4% by 2021 and become “a total system shakeup.” 

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Bob Mackin In a quest for more revenue,