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Bob Mackin

On March 11, 2016, four months before Donald Trump became the Republican nominee for President, CBC’s Fifth Estate aired the documentary about Donald the Disruptor, called “The Rise and Rage of Donald Trump: The Fire Breather.”

It began with a glimpse into the future, of what a Donald Trump Inauguration ceremony might look like. 

Trump won the nomination. He went on to win the Electoral College over Hillary Clinton. He was sworn-in as 45th President as the world watched on Jan. 20. 

So how did the Fifth Estate and its crystal ball fare? It didn’t anticipate the red-capped Trump supporters and it got the colour of Trump’s tie wrong. It also didn’t anticipate the relatively low attendance, compared with other Inauguration Days, as noted on @EmptySeatsPics. Notwithstanding, the producers did pretty well overall. 

Compare some of the key images from that documentary and CBC’s coverage of the historic Jan. 20 ceremony below. 

And then watch award-winning investigative reporter Bob McKeown’s documentary

What will the next four years hold for the Excited States of America and the rest of the world? 

Stay tuned. It’s going to be a rollercoaster ride.

CBC Inauguration Day coverage

CBC Fifth Estate

CBC Inauguration Day coverage

CBC Fifth Estate

 

CBC Inauguration Day coverage above; Fifth Estate 2016 documentary below.

 

Bob Mackin On March 11, 2016, four months

Bob Mackin

On one day last February, the BC Liberal Party raked-in enough dough to cover its head office payroll and perks for all of 2016. 

That is according to an analysis by theBreaker.news of the party’s unaudited Jan. 13 list of donations.

The province’s ruling party reported that it raised $1,648,565 from 179 donors on Feb. 26, 2016, the biggest one-day bonanza for the year. The total was slightly more than the $1,623,001 spent on salaries and benefits in 2014, and just $137,000 less than the $1,785,475 expense in 2015. 

BC Liberal donor Peter Redekop (left) and Premier Christy Clark opened the Mennonite Heritage Museum in July 2016. (BC Gov)

The party said it raised a total $12,474,088 in 2016. More than 64% came from corporations.

The Feb. 26, 2016 haul was thanks primarily to eight individuals and entities that kicked-in a whopping $1.1 million:

  • $200,000 x 2=$400,000: John Redekop Construction and his cousin Peter Wall’s 2300 Kingsway Residences.
  • $100,000 x 7=$700,000: Peter Redekop, Peter Wall’s PWO Investments and Wall nephew Bruno’s BJW Investment; Townline Homes owner Rick Ilich; Rossano De Cotiis’s RPMG Holdings; Berts Electric; and Seaspan ULC. 

Those high rollers are no stranger to writing big cheques to the BC Liberals. Six months before the last election, some of them also injected six-figures into the BC Liberal kitty. 

Peter Redekop — whose donations since 2005 now stand unofficially at $609,800 — gave $150,000 on Nov. 8, 2012. His brother John Redekop ponied up the same amount on the same day as a similar windfall from other real estate and construction concerns.

Also contributing to the party’s Nov. 8, 2012 haul of $833,728 were: Rob Macdonald ($101,200); Intertech Construction Managers/ITC Management/ITC Services ($75,000); Townline Homes ($55,000); Holborn Developments/TA Management and Dayhu Investments ($50,000 each) and Francesco Aquilini ($23,375). The Sheraton Vancouver Wall Centre Hotel donated $4,700.

Peter Wall and Bruno Wall each gave $150,000 on Nov. 23, 2012, when the Liberals counted another $829,780 in donations. Along with the $300,000 from the Walls came $40,000 from Hassan Khosroshawhi and $20,000 from Colin Bosa. 

A representative for John Redekop told theBreaker that he was unable to do an interview because he is aging and has poor hearing. Questions posed to Redekop through the intermediary about the reasons for, and context of, the $200,000 donation were not answered. None of the others responded to interview requests from theBreaker.

Dining for dollars at a supper like no other

Among the other donors listed by the BC Liberals under Feb. 26, 2016 are: ITC Management Inc. ($40,000) and ITC Services Corp. ($20,000); Polygon owner Michael Audain’s No. 201 Seabright Holdings Ltd. ($30,000); West Fraser Mills ($22,500); RJR Farms Ltd. ($5,000); Gateway Casinos and Entertainment Ltd. ($2,200); and Redekop Farms ($1,250).

British Columbia has no law limiting the size or the source of political donations to provincial parties and their candidates. Donations are tax deductible. 

The New York Times reported Jan. 13 that much of what goes on in British Columbia from a political fundraising standpoint would be illegal elsewhere in Canada. 

Look next door for an example. When it came to power in 2015, Alberta’s NDP government almost immediately banned corporate and union donations. Only Alberta residents can donate and their contributions are capped at $4,000 per year to any combination of parties, riding associations, candidates and leadership contestants.

  • A source close to the BC Liberals told theBreaker that Feb. 23, not Feb. 26, is the real date for those hefty donations from the real estate tycoons. 

A small group of loyal BC Liberal property titans was invited to a private Tuesday night dinner at the Wall Centre Hotel co-ordinated by veteran BC Liberal backroom strategist/lobbyist Patrick Kinsella. It was understood that they would dig deep and make large contributions to the party. Premier Christy Clark and Deputy Premier Rich Coleman were scheduled to make appearances. 

Clark’s calendar shows she was in Vancouver on Feb. 23 and her last work appointment was a conference call that ended 3 p.m. She flew via Helijet to Victoria the next morning at 7:50 a.m. Coleman’s calendar said he was on the same Feb. 24 flight. 

Coleman had flown into Vancouver from Victoria on the 4:55 p.m. Feb. 23 Helijet flight from Victoria. There was no nighttime engagement visible in his calendar. 

Freedom of information staff working on behalf of Coleman’s Natural Gas Development ministry would not release documents about Coleman’s round trip. They claimed it was personal, even though Coleman mentioned the Helijet flights in his official ministerial calendar.

Requests by theBreaker for comment from Clark and Coleman’s spokespeople went unfulfilled.

“It really is time for the BC Liberal Party to practice what the Premier preached when she sought the leadership, which was to run the most open and transparent government in Canada,” said IntegrityBC’s Dermod Travis. “By leaving all of these questions unanswered it leaves the public in a position where they have nothing else to believe other than what the evidence points to.”

Martyn Brown, who was chief of staff for former BC Liberal Premier Gordon Campbell, told Vaughn Palmer on Shaw TV in 2016 that big political donations get results. 

“For the Liberals, the housing industry, construction industry, real estate, the liquor industry, energy industry, certainly the mining industry, big forest industry – all gave exceptional amounts of money, and they got exceptional attention,” Brown said.

The party’s official Elections BC return is due March 31 and is expected to be made public shortly after.

Election day is May 9.

 

Bob Mackin On one day last February, the

Bob Mackin

A government official from a figurative banana republic visited her counterpart in a literal banana republic. 

News outlets in Guyana reported Jan. 18 on the visit by British Columbia Speaker Linda Reid, the BC Liberal MLA for Richmond-East. Reid and Guyana National Assembly speaker Barton Scotland signed an “interparliamentary co-operation” partnership on Jan. 17. 

BC Liberal Reid’s Guyana visit hits the front page. (Guyana Times)

The British Columbia-Guyana agreement talks about improving “understanding of the functions of both institutions, particularly in the fields of legislation, culture, economics, health, science and technology, and generally reinforce greater friendship, goodwill and mutual understanding of traditions, customs, procedures and practices of each House.”

It is the equivalent of a sister-city arrangement that opens the door for more British Columbia government officials to visit Guyana and vice versa. “The costs of such meetings would be shared to the extent that each jurisdiction has the resources to do so,” the agreement says. “Where this is not possible, each Group will seek funding from a donor agency.”

Reid traveled to the birthplace of colonial B.C. governor James Douglas with B.C. Deputy Clerk Kate Ryan-Lloyd and Hansard Director Rob Sutherland. They departed Jan. 18 from Guyana, where temperatures were forecast to reach 29 Celsius under the sun. (Back home in Reid’s riding, the forecast high was a rainy 10 Celsius).

The excursion cost B.C. taxpayers an estimated $10,000.

Reid did not respond for comment, but Ryan-Lloyd told theBreaker on Jan. 19 that she estimated the cost of her airfare and accommodation at the Marriott would be around $3,000. “I believe it was the same for my two companions,” Ryan-Lloyd said. 

The three-person delegation left Vancouver Jan. 15, arrived in Georgetown the next morning and returned Jan. 18. The trio’s hosts picked up the cost of most meals, Ryan-Lloyd said. A complete expense report will be published under the Legislature’s quarterly disclosures. 

Ryan-Lloyd said Canadian provincial Legislatures have been encouraged to twin with Commonwealth nations, particularly in the Caribbean, to help raise parliamentary standards. Guyana is the only English-primary South American jurisdiction and its 65-seat Legislature is comparable to British Columbia’s 85-seat house. 

More than half of Guyana’s exports are raw gold, followed by rice and paddy, bauxite, sugar and shrimp and prawns, according to Statistics Guyana. Canada is fifth on the South American nation’s imports list, but tops the exports list. Through October 2016, Guyana estimated it sent nearly US$350 million of products north to Canada.

Word of Reid’s visit to the nation of 750,000 comes just days after an embarrassing New York Times story about B.C.’s lack of laws regulating the size, frequency and source of political donations. Premier Christy Clark receives a $50,000 bonus from her party for attending big ticket fundraisers every year, on top of her $195,000 public salary. Democracy Watch alleges she is in conflict of interest, but conflict of interest commissioner Paul Fraser says no. Fraser’s son is Clark friend and government communications deputy minister John Paul Fraser. 

A Transparency International report in 2016 criticized federal and provincial officials for failing to protect British Columbians from real estate-related money laundering and tax evasion. No Reason to Hide: Unmasking the Anonymous Owners of Canadian Companies and Trusts said more rigorous identity checks are done for individuals getting library cards than for those setting up companies or buying real estate. 

Guyana has the same ranking on Transparency International’s annual list of corrupt countries as Azerbaijan, Russia and Sierra Leone, according to a report in the Starbroek News in January 2016. 

In 2014, Transparency International’s local office called for local government elections to be held. There had not been any since 1994 “although the law requires them to be held every three years.” Local elections were finally held in March 2016. 

Last May, President David Granger was quoted in a Demerera Waves news report saying: “I urge you, all Guyanese, to be vigilant not only against the abuse of power by the government but also by the abuse of trust by the private sector.”

In March 2014, Reid was embarrassed into repaying $5,528.16 for business class flights to South Africa taken by her husband, who joined Reid for a parliamentary conference in August and September 2013. The couple enjoyed a safari while on the junket.

At the time, I asked repeatedly to see proof of Reid’s repayment. She never responded. Career politician Reid is seeking a seventh term in the May 9 provincial election. 

Assistant Deputy Speaker Raj Chouhan, an NDP lawmaker, also went on the trip and repaid $2,200 for his wife’s flight. 

Reid was widely criticized in 2014 for blowing $120,000 on various frills, including a $48,000 desk with a touch screen computer and a $700 snack case.

Bob Mackin A government official from a figurative

Bob Mackin

Step right up, step right up! Christy and Richie’s Second Mortgage Emporium is now open for business! The not-so-sublime subprimes! Affordability the worst? Come see BC First!

The widely panned B.C. Home Owner Mortgage and Equity Partnership began taking applications on Jan. 16 from those seeking help to buy their first house. 

The BC Liberal government is refusing to release the business case for now and is audaciously threatening to charge freedom of information requesters money to see whether a cost-benefit analysis was actually conducted for the $700 million-plus vote-buying program. 

Coleman marked the occasion with a photo op at a mortgage store in the Vancouver-Fairview NDP riding, but Clark wasn’t there. Afraid to answer the inevitable questions about the unflattering New York Times report on banana republic-style political fundraising in B.C., perhaps?  

Clark instead marked the occasion by Tweeting and Facebooking a photograph of the first house she owned with Mark Marissen (it wasn’t all hers), back when they were a political power couple. The San Remo Drive house in Port Moody hosted many of the couple’s notorious toga parties back in the day and was home of Marissen’s Burrard Communications lobbying company before it moved downtown. It was also one of the places where the RCMP showed up after the 2003 Legislature raid, because Mounties were probing the events surrounding the corrupt privatization of BC Rail. 

Clark moved to Vancouver before her failed 2005 bid to win the NPA nomination for mayor and settled in a house south of Vancouver city hall. It was recently assessed at $2.24 million (up from $1.73 million a year earlier), but Clark no longer calls it home. 

Her current abode in Dunbar has the name Nevin Sangha on the title. Sangha is a close business associate of Clark friend/Vancouver Whitecaps’ owner Greg Kerfoot. The Major League Soccer club plays at public-owned B.C. Place Stadium and trains at a University of B.C. facility that scored a $12 million taxpayer subsidy from the B.C. Liberal cabinet. 

Real estate agent Tanya Oliver (a Clark leadership campaign volunteer in 2011) caused more than 30-seconds of commotion on Facebook after she brokered the April 2016 sale for $3.688 million — $200,000 over asking. The assessment of the Blueshore-mortgaged house skyrocketed almost 37% from $2.505 million to $3.426 million, year-over-year.

Clark’s spokespeople claim she pays between $5,500 and $6,500 a month in rent. 

Last year, Clark and brother Bruce bought their Galiano Island vacation property out of a trust. It is now worth $720,000.

Back to that humble Port Moody house that inspired Clark’s Blue Monday moment of nostalgia.

According to PropertyInsight.ca, Clark and Marissen sold it May 19, 2004 for $380,000, up from the $250,000 paid Dec. 22, 1996. In 1991, the year the BC Liberals became the opposition to the governing NDP, it was worth $202,000.

What is it worth now? 

BC Assessment shows the San Remo two-storey sold in January 2015 for $688,000 and the valuation jumped, year-over-year, from $718,000 to $975,000. A whopping $257,000 (or 35.8%) increase. 

If the house hit the market today, it would be far out of reach for any first-time buyer approved under Clark and Coleman’s BC HOME Partnership gimmick. 

That’s because the ceiling for applicants is $750,000.

Bob Mackin Step right up, step right up! Christy

Bob Mackin

An unnamed person involved with the Vancity Buzz website apparently posed as a mall security officer in order to confirm a leaked police bulletin a year ago, according to a Vancouver Police Department report obtained by theBreaker. 

The website, which rebranded as Daily Hive last June, obtained an internal police bulletin that sought information about three Middle Eastern-looking males that police feared were planning a terrorist attack at Vancouver’s Pacific Centre. The two men and a teenager turned out to be innocent tourists from Great Britain, in Vancouver for medical treatment. They were spotted by mall security photographing the inside of the mall on the evening of Jan. 12, 2016 and reported to police the next day.

A May 20, 2016-dated review by the VPD Professional Standards Section — finally released on Jan. 13, 2017 by the police FOI office — says the leaked internal bulletin did not come from anyone inside the VPD, but it had been shared with the province’s Real Time Information Centre at RCMP E Division headquarters in Surrey and another agency whose name was censored. 

The censored after-action report about so-called Project Tribeca, by Sgt. Mark Bragagnolo of the Criminal Intelligence Unit, said between 7:49 p.m. and 9 p.m. on Jan. 14, 2016, Det. Colin Small received over a dozen calls about the bulletin, including one from a male who the detective believed to be with mall security. 

“They quoted the case number and wanted to confirm if it was three or four males involved in the incident. Det. Small believed the individual was mall security as the case number was only known to the police and security at the mall. He confirmed that there were only three males involved. In hindsight, Det. Small now believes that this call was in fact Vancity Buzz. 

“At approximately 8:30 p.m., investigators were alerted to the fact that the bulletin was posted on the internet. Sgt. Bragagnolo immediately contacted Sgt. Fincham who confirmed the bulletin was on the Vancity Buzz web page and going viral. In consultation with Sgt. Bragagnolo and the VPD Executive it was decided that the VPD would confirm the story and issue a press release with a Tip Line. Immediately after the bulletin was posted online tips from the public were being reported to CIU.”

By the next morning, more than 40 tips were received. But, at 9:30 a.m., one of the males in the bulletin photographs called the tip line. 

Mohammed Sharaz of Manchester told VPD that he was in the photographs with his 14-year-old son Salahuddin Sharaz and friend Mohammed Kareem. He told police that they were in the city for visually impaired Salahuddin to receive medical treatment. 

“He stated that he would be at the clinic all day. All aspects of the males’ stories were confirmed and it was determined that their behaviour was innocent in nature,” the report said. “At [noon], the Command Room was stood down.”

Chief Adam Palmer, who denied it was an incident of racial profiling, ordered an internal review. 

Bragagnolo’s report said that the version of the bulletin published by Vancity Buzz had an RTIC-BC task number in the top left corner, but the bulletin that was later disseminated to a large distribution list by RTIC-BC did not. The original bulletin on the Patrol Bulletin Board was not the bulletin obtained by the media.

“At the time of the call, Det. Small did not know the bulletin was leaked. Det. Small now believes that this caller was in fact Vancity Buzz confirming the story. Det. Small advised that he would never knowingly speak to the media and it is his practice to refer all media to the Public Affairs Unit,” the report said. 

“Det. Jackson had also forwarded his desk phone to his cell phone and this same night received a voice mail on his cell phone from Mr. Mohamed from Vancity Buzz who was calling about the incident at the mall. He stated that he had already spoken to Det. Small and left his contact details. Det. Jackson did not return the call.”

The report said members of the VPD Public Affairs Unit have spoken with Vancity Buzz editor Farhan Mohamed, who, the report said, stated that Det. Colin Small confirmed the information before Vancity Buzz published the bulletin.

“The Public Affairs Unit reminded Mr. Mohamed that media inquiring about a VPD related story must adhere to established protocols and communicate through the Public Affairs Unit only. Mr. Mohamed advised that he has reminded his staff about these protocols. Of note, Vancity Buzz has followed these protocols in the past and the fact they diverted from those protocols in this instance is suspicious in nature.”

Mohamed did not immediately respond for comment, but theBreaker will update this story and add his comments should he do so. 

 

  VanCity Buzz Email Review and Attachment_r by BobMackin on Scribd

Bob Mackin An unnamed person involved with the

Bob Mackin

Premier Christy Clark’s first photo op of 2017 on Jan. 11 was to announce her rubber-stamping of an environmental certificate for the twinning of the Kinder Morgan tar sands oil pipeline. Exactly one year after the Clark government told the National Energy Board it opposed the project. 

Flip, meet flop. 

The BC Liberals and press gallery acolytes were abuzz. An election issue! The election issue! The Get to Yes party versus the NDP, the Party of No! Let the horse race begin! It’ll be like 2013 all over again!

Not so fast. This cannot and should not be a referendum on pipelines. The 41st general election must be a time for citizens of British Columbia to issue their report card on the ruling party. The BC Liberals know that change is in the air and that politicians are like diapers. They should be changed more often than once every 15 years. Fifteen years was also the length of the last Social Credit dynasty. 

So the BC Liberals, armed with millions of dollars from the public treasury and their poorly regulated, anything goes fundraisers, are running a campaign about the future, while they run away from their past. No surprise. Their past is a recipe for defeat. They know that there is simply too much fodder for the NDP and Greens to play with. 

From the BC Liberals' 2001 New Era platform. Promises made, promises broken.

From the BC Liberals’ 2001 New Era platform. Promises made, promises broken.

What does that record include?

Scandals like the firing of eight health researchers (which drove one of them, Roderick MacIsaac, to suicide), Triple Delete, Quick Wins and Swing Teams, the BC Rail privatization and Basi-Virk legal bills. The Mount Polley tailings dam disaster and exempting $9 billion Site C dam from B.C. Utilities Commission approval. Cash for access and pay to play. Clark’s $50,000-a-year commission for attending party fundraisers and her expensive charter jet flights to and from her Kelowna riding. Increased ambulance wait times, taxing senior citizens who must use wheelchairs and underfunding the public schools system. The proliferation of homeless camps. Letting real estate corruption run amok in Metro Vancouver. Inadequate treatment for opiate addicts and lax enforcement of drug laws. Raiding the accounts of Crown corporations to artificially balance the budget and keep income taxes low, and then hiking the prices for electricity, vehicle insurance, medical insurance, ferry fares and beer to pay for the shell game. 

Just the tip of the iceberg. 

It is a general election and that history cannot be ignored. The public already knows that. 

A poll by Insights West last November found that respondents ranked housing/poverty/homelessness, economy/jobs, healthcare, environment and government accountability as the top five issues, in that order. 

Energy/pipelines/LNG ranked a low seventh on the list. 

That government accountability scored so high is a sign of the times. This is supposed to be a democracy, not an oligarchy. 

Government accountability is an issue that I spoke about before the last election, when I appeared as the guest speaker at the annual general meeting of the B.C. Freedom of Information and Privacy Association. 

B.C. FIPA is a civil society organization with a goal “to empower citizens by increasing their access to information and their control over their own personal information.”c7av4frj9v7hxppbq2hl_400x400

The AGM was April 11, 2013. Below are my speaking notes from that evening. Some of the names and circumstances have changed with time, but it generally remains fresh. 

Four years to the day, on April 11, 2017, the general election period is scheduled to officially begin. 

My message to you: make the May 9 election about pipelines of information.

April 11, 2013, People’s Law School, Vancouver 

Thank-you for coming tonight. Thank-you to Vince and Tyler from FIPA BC for the invitation. Fifty-nine years ago today — the most boring day of the 20th century, according to Cambridge University researchers. No famous births or deaths or major events on April 11, 1954. I will try to help end the day on a high note. 

The election writ drops on April 16. Can you feel it? Silly season is already here. The Liberals are focussing on Bollywood. The NDP is focussing on Hollywood North.

The election will be about oil, natural gas, tankers and pipelines. We need to get back to basics. We need to make this the election about information and privacy pipelines.

The privacy pipeline that flows from citizens to government should be as narrow as a straw, made of steel — to prevent leaks — and the contents should flow deliberately. Like the thickest milkshake youʼve ever had.

The information pipeline that flows the other way, from government to citizens, should be as big as a truck to drive through and made of plexiglas. Let it flow as fast as a waterfall.

The problem is, the governments we have, using the laws that exist, have engineered a straw-sized information pipeline that flows like molasses and a fat, leaky data pipe. The people in power control the flow of information as they seek to build mini-empires.

marchbulletin-3Denise Rudnicki wrote a Carleton University thesis in 2009 called “Information or Persuasion” about how the federal government pioneered the permanent campaign. (The next one begins May 15 here in B.C.) The roots are 1969ʼs Task Force on Government Information and its report, called “To Know and Be Known.”

The government realized it could use advertising and public relations to leapfrog the media, and go direct to citizens. Who needs reporters? They think and ask questions. Weʼre just a pain in the ass.

Rudnicki wrote on J-Source.ca:

“This goes way beyond spin. This involves a sophisticated, government-wide, coordinated communications apparatus, well- resourced and professionally staffed, and designed to persuade people of the rightness of the government’s position by marginalizing the views of opponents and by using the media to shape and manage public discussion of policy. Calling this effort ‘spin’ is like calling a tsunami a wave.”

“This is a hugely uneven playing field. Groups that are opposed to any government initiative are under-resourced by comparison. They do not have 15-page communications plans, a communications branch to unify their message and media- train their spokespeople; they do not have the ability to conduct focus groups, do advertising, and rely on the advice of professional communicators to win the public relations war.

“Journalists are equally disadvantaged. Thousands of people work in government communications and millions of dollars are spent at the same time newsrooms are shrinking and fewer journalists are being asked to do more with less. Journalists will never be able to level the field but understanding the game will allow them to analyse it more effectively for the benefit of their readers, viewers and listeners.”

The federally mastered corporate communications model was adopted by the provincial government. It has infected Vancouver city hall — under a mayor who came to power in 2008 promising transparency. 

Senior bureaucrats were once happy to connect with journalists and citizens, to explain how the city works and what they were doing to make it livable. Theyʼre not allowed anymore. All questions must go through the communications office. Good luck if you want an interview from an expert or decision-maker. Good luck if you want any useful information by deadline.

Now the Mayor, like the Premier, is using open data as a decoy. It is a ruse, to fool us into believing that theyʼre being open and transparent. When theyʼre not. Gee-whiz data sets with maps of fire hydrants and manhole covers are probably useful to someone.

But why were those locations chosen? Who was the supplier? How were they chosen? How much did they cost? Open data must come with open information to be useful. (I filed such requests yesterday, to test the city and its new digital strategy.)

How bad has it become? How many bureaucrats does it take to screw in a lightbulb? (With apologies to any bureaucrats here tonight.) Trick question — none, because the job was privatized. In April 2012, the Ottawa Citizen revealed the story behind the story, when it asked the National Research Council about a study it did with NASA about falling snow. 

The feds sent an email with a non-answer. Seven sentences without mention of snow.

The Citizen called NASA and in one 15-minute phone call, the Citizen got the answer. NASA just wanted to advance the science of snowstorms. So the Citizen filed an Access to Information request.

How many bureaucrats did it take to handle the original reporter? The answer? Eleven. Enough for a soccer team. The National Research Council bureaucrats sent a dozen emails back and forth to formulate an answer. To manufacture their message.

When I got into the business as a wide-eyed Langara J-school kid in 1990, things were different. Fax machines and answering machines were high tech and politicians were reachable — if they were at their desks.

Those days are gone. Bureaucrats canʼt say much and politicians donʼt want to say much. They can hide behind email.

So we use Freedom of Information. Even that is getting harder. 

For a variety of reasons, including transparency, Reporters Without Borders ranked Canada 20th on the press freedom index last year. We used to be 10th. 

The year before that, 2011, was the year of the protest. The Arab Spring and Occupy Wall Street. Average citizens were mad as hell and couldnʼt take it anymore with the lying, cheating corporate bigwigs and their friends in political office. Government workers on the take. Brutal cops, soldiers and spies. It started after the 2010 Commonwealth Games in Delhi — the most corrupt sporting event since the Montreal 1976 Olympics. Indians took to the streets by the thousands and some even did hunger strikes, to seek justice against the corrupt organizers.

The top two executives, Suresh Kalmadi and Lalit Bhanot, were charged with corruption. 

From India to North Africa to the Arab peninsula, people wanted corruption to stop. Because, without transparency and integrity in government, can we have a democracy or even freedom? 

This — the smart phone — is our greatest tool. We can tell our stories to the world, in words, pictures and sounds. Instantly through social media. Thatʼs what they were doing from Tahrir Square to Zuccotti Park. Dictators and their friends fear it. Or do they? 

While the media has become bigger and stronger and more relevant than ever, technology and the economy have made it smaller and weaker and less relevant. And so democracy is under attack.

Bob Mackin Premier Christy Clark’s first photo op

Bob Mackin

John Winter is the public face of Future Prosperity B.C. Inc., a BC Liberal surrogate that launched an anti-NDP attack campaign on Jan. 10.

But the ex-B.C. Chamber of Commerce head is only one-third of the triumvirate behind the Oct. 6, 2016-incorporated venture aimed at re-electing Premier Christy Clark.

Jim Laurence (LinkedIn)

Jim Laurence (LinkedIn)

Frank Pasacreta (LinkedIn)

Frank Pasacreta (LinkedIn)

theBreaker has learned that Frank Pasacreta and Jim Laurence are the other directors. You won’t find anything about their past on the Future Prosperity of B.C. Inc. website. That’s because only Winter’s name is disclosed.

Pasacreta spent 20 years with the B.C. Maritime Employers Association, climbing from vice-president of operations to CEO, until retiring in 2007. He also spent a decade as the chair of the province’s Industry Training Authority before Premier Christy Clark replaced him in 2014 with Gwyn Morgan, the ex-chair of scandal-plagued SNC-Lavalin.

On Nov. 30, 2016, Advanced Education Minister Andrew Wilkinson reappointed Pasacreta to the board of the Degree Quality Assessment Board, which vets applications for new post-secondary degrees and decides whether a university can be called a university.

Between 2005 and 2013, Pasacreta donated $237,319 to the BC Liberals via the BCMEA.

Laurence is president and COO at Magil Construction Pacific Inc., the Vancouver arm of the Montreal construction giant. Magil donated $8,528.66 on Dec. 31, 2015. 

Bocci aficionado Laurence is better known in local construction circles for chairing the non-union construction lobby Independent Contractors and Business Association of B.C. between 1999 and 2008. He also founded Merit Canada, the national lobby for ICBA and seven other provincial non-union construction associations. 

ICBA donated $245,934.50 to the BC Liberals over a decade, of which $47,022 was contributed from 2005 to 2008 during Laurence’s chairmanship.  

Shaun Webb of Harper and Associates (LinkedIn)

Shaun Webb of Harper and Associates (LinkedIn)

The address listed for Winter on the corporate registration matches with law firm Fasken Martineau, a $356,760 donor to the BC Liberals between 2005 and 2015.

One name you will find on the Winter, Pasacreta and Laurence company’s SayAnythingJohn.ca website is Shaun Webb, the media relations contact.

Webb worked in North Vancouver Conservative MP Andrew Saxton’s office from 2008 to 2010, managed his 2011 and 2015 campaigns and spent a year as a policy advisor in Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s office. Webb is now employed by the ex-PM’s Harper and Associates Consulting firm, but says he is working on Future Prosperity B.C. Inc. on his own time.

There are no restrictions on election advertising by third parties or registered political parties before the official election period, which is scheduled to begin April 11. The Future Prosperity B.C. Inc. website does not show who is funding its campaign, but it says donations are not tax deductible. 

Provincial election day is May 9.

 

Bob Mackin John Winter is the public face

Bob Mackin

Staff in the Premier’s office experienced regal sticker shock last September when they were buying gifts from the Premier’s fave fashion designer for Will and Kate and their kids. 

Premier Christy Clark giving the Cambridges gifts designed by Chloe Angus and Haida artist Clarence Mills. (Angus/Facebook)

Premier Christy Clark giving the Cambridges gifts designed by Chloë Angus and Haida artist Clarence Mills. (Angus/Facebook)

“[Aide] Ina Gjoka called with a request from Premier Clark,” Kelly Brubacher, the Intergovernmental Relations Secretariat executive director, wrote Sept. 13, 2016. “She is having a dress made by Vancouver designer Chloë Angus with First Nations art work on it for the upcoming royal visit. I gather this same artist made a green top that [Clark] has worn several times this past year. 

“Premier is now requesting that a blanket be made by the same artist to be gifted to [Their Royal Highnesses] when they visit B.C. The designer is needing an emblem, such as the coat of arms to be added to the blanket. Ina wanted to check with our office to ensure this is done correctly.”

Angus is a Dunbar-based fashion designer who hails from the Sunshine Coast. A news release written by her public relations agent described Angus as the “exclusive wardrobe provider” for Clark during the Sept. 24 to Oct. 1 royal visit. 

Angus originally invoiced Sept. 14 for a custom bear blanket with faith buttons costing $1,344, including taxes, according to records released under freedom of information. 

Then came the scope creep.

A Sept. 20 email from Clark aide Adam McPhee to protocol chief Lucy Lobmeier said: “It is my understanding that we will also be giving an outfit/shawl to her highness as well. Need to confirm if this is a gift from Chloë Angus or the province.” 

On Sept. 23, Angus invoiced $1,770.72 for: the $1,200 cream bear blanket with buttons, $93 spirit button wrap (for Duchess Kate), one $89 child’s sapphire bow tie (for Prince George), one men’s sapphire bow tie (for Prince William) for $129 and a $70 child’s spirit button wrap (for Princess Charlotte). All items bore the bear stylings of Haida artist Clarence Mills.

Then Lobmeier emailed McPhee on Sept. 23. “Hi Adam. Just confirming that we asked for all of these items including the bow ties. The total cost is higher than we expected.”

What the Premier wants, the Premier gets.

Bob Mackin Staff in the Premier’s office experienced

Bob Mackin

First, add the Flying Lizards’ “Money (That’s What I Want)” and the late, great Jeff Healey’s cover of Led Zeppelin’s “Communication Breakdown” to your playlist. Because those song titles are the themes of what you are about to read. 

You might remember Feb. 11, 2016, when Premier Christy “Amor de Camera” Clark clowned around during a photo op with Burnaby crooner Michael Buble. Clark was at Bryan Adams’ Warehouse Studio to dole out a $15 million grant for the fledgling B.C. Music Fund.

Documents, however, show that the head of the national music industry lobby really wanted a tax break instead. 

Premier Christy Clark (left) and Michael Buble. (BC Gov)

Premier Christy Clark (left) and Michael Buble. (BC Gov)

According to email released under freedom of information to the NDP, Music Canada president Graham Henderson was quite clear to Finance Minister Mike de Jong’s chief of staff, Brian Menzies. 

“In my meeting with Neil [Sweeney, corporate policy deputy minister] and Michelle [Cadario, deputy chief of staff], they told me there was some confusion about exactly what we were asking for,” Henderson wrote. “That some officials concluded it was a grant. I made it clear to the Minister’s satisfaction that such was not the case. I am attaching a revised document that removes ALL references to a grant.”

Menzies explained that when the government writes a cheque, “it’s called a grant; when we allow for a rebate on your taxes, it’s a credit.”

“Will your folks be waiting post filing of taxes for a refund (tax credit) — or will they be seeking out a financial contribution for which is greater than taxes submitted? The film tax credit is a misnomer — it’s a grant. You’re looking for 15 million (to) be redistributed — correct — not for us to offset tax revenues by 15 million. Please clarify.”

Henderson put it bluntly on Jan. 15, 2016.  

“Music Canada is proposing a fully-refundable music production tax credit. The application process would be similar to the British Columbia Production Services Tax Credit but with adaptations to suit music business activities including production, distribution, touring, capital investment in facilities, and tourism generated by music festivals and live music. In addition, we would offer suggestions as to how to cap the tax credit at $15 million annually through a combination of pre-approvals an maximum allowable credit amounts, I though this was clear from our documentation, but it appears different folks characterize the request with different terminology. Is this clear now?”

Henderson contacted Menzies again in the morning of Jan. 19 and changed his tune. If they couldn’t rock out to a grant, they’d roll with a tax credit.  

“Regarding the format of the strategy, I have had a lengthy conversation with an analyst, Paul Flanagan. And Brad has spoken to Michelle Cadario. It sounds like we just need to sort out what works best for MC and Finance — fully refundable tax credit or grant; the Premier’s office is agnostic.”

Later the same day, one of Music Canada’s B.C. lobbyists chimed-in. None other than Brad Zubyk, who plays the “zu” in the Liberal insider “band” Wazuku.

“I know you guys are swamped ahead of the budget but just following up on the e-mail from Graham Henderson,” Zubyk wrote to Menzies. “Graham has been in discussions with finance officials and just wants to verify that your Minister has no preferred option. Music Canada is good with either scenario but Is looking for your (very quick) input.”

NDP critic Spencer Chandra Herbert wonders who really benefited from the grant, because, he said, it looks more like “the Premier’s buddies getting a win for their client.” 

Chandra Herbert said he is in favour of greater support for the creative sector if it is done the right way with proper business planning.

“With a grant, you can throw the money out the door. With a tax credit, there is more accountability,” Chandra Herbert said. 

“It’s like pick your poison, there are problems with either a tax credit or grant,” said Jordan Bateman of the Canadian Taxpayers’ Federation. “Either way, this is not what we should be paying tax money for. Tax money should be going for necessities.”

Bateman said $15 million could have been better used to seismically upgrade schools or battle the fentanyl overdose crisis.

In the end, the Premier got her photo op with superstar Buble and the music industry scored some free dough.

Cue the Steve Miller Band.

Bob Mackin First, add the Flying Lizards’ “Money

Bob Mackin

Remember when the B.C. Liberal government issued its “Debunking Massey replacement myths” news release in early 2016? 

Alleged “Myth #4” about the $3.5 billion plan to replace the four-lane tunnel with a 10-lane bridge was “this project is being driven by Port Metro Vancouver.” 

The 1959-built Massey Tunnel (Mackin)

The 1959-built Massey Tunnel (Mackin)

Documents released under freedom of information laws show that Port of Vancouver was indeed deeply involved in lobbying the government to replace the tunnel with a bridge. The federal Port authority wants bigger freighters to ply the Fraser River.

A Feb. 16, 2016 “Marine Clearance” briefing note to Todd Stone, the Minister of Transportation and Infrastructure, claimed four of the six tunnel segments would be removed to make way for the bridge. It said there would be no significant impact on the size of the ships because of other utilities and the tunnel is “currently flush with the bottom of the river channel.”

“In early discussions, [Port of Vancouver] informally advised of potentially larger Post-Panamax vessels using the River (366m length x 49m beam x 15.2m draft), as well as a preference for a clearance of 65 m to allow for Solstice class cruise ships to pass under the new bridge,” said the briefing note by project director Geoff Freer.

The government has consistently spun this project as a road traffic bottleneck remover, and its myth-debunker claimed that the bridge would be the same height as the Alex Fraser Bridge. But that news release omitted some important details. 

Freer’s briefing note for Stone further says that the new bridge will still be high enough for most of the ships in the world to navigate under.

“[Port of Vancouver] have agreed that air clearances similar to the Alex Fraser Bridge are acceptable. These clearances range from 57 to 60 metres for a two-way shipping channel and 59 to 63 metres for a one-way shipping channel (the range is resulting from various tide levels).

“These proposed navigation envelopes would allow the passage for most of the world shipping fleet, including 94% of bulk carriers, 89% of container ships and 62% of liquid bulk (LNG) carriers, for a two-way channel; and 98% of bulk carriers, 96% of container ships and 70% of liquid bulk (LNG) carriers, for a one-way channel.”

B.C. government rendering of the proposed $3.5 billion Richmond-to-Delta bridge.

B.C. government rendering of the proposed $3.5 billion Richmond-to-Delta bridge.

This means that shipping traffic up and down the Fraser still stands to increase with a bridge replacing the tunnel.

Signs near the tunnel say that construction is to begin in 2017. Completion would be as early as 2022.

The above information came under FOI from Stone’s budget estimates briefing book, which I requested on May 2, 2016. 

It was finally delivered to me on Jan. 6, 2017. What should have been disclosed in 30 business days or less took eight calendar months and then some.

This is the kind of lacklustre performance that has become the hallmark of the BC Liberals under Premier Christy Clark. 

Stone is the minister who was at the centre of the Triple Delete scandal in 2015. He is also co-chair, with Deputy Premier Rich Coleman, of the BC Liberal re-election committee, aka the committee to re-elect the Premier.

Bob Mackin Remember when the B.C. Liberal government