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Bob Mackin

Gregor Robertson is the mayor of splitsville again. 

One day after the third anniversary of confirming he broke up with wife of 30 years, Amy, the Vancouver mayor’s office admitted to the South China Morning Post that he was no longer in a relationship with girlfriend Wanting Qu. 

The 52-year-old mayor and 33-year-old Chinese pop singer (whose civil servant mother, Qu Zhang Mingjie, may be sentenced to death for real estate corruption in China) were said to have broken-up in May.  

Cracks in their relationship were evident in late January, during Lunar New Year, when Qu posted a photograph of a flowerless plant on a black background, with lines from a James Bay breakup song on her Instagram page. During Lunar New Year in 2016, Qu posted a photo of the smiling couple with Year of the Monkey greetings in English and Chinese. 

Qu traveled frequently with Robertson while he was on civic business, including the Vatican and Paris climate party in 2015. They maintained separate residences, Robertson in a renovated Alexandra Park penthouse (which he shows-off in the current edition of upscale Montecristo magazine) and Qu in an Olympic Village condo. 

They were seen together March 12 after the Canada Sevens rugby closing ceremony. A week later, on March 19, Robertson committed apparent conflict of interest by using his @MayorGregor Twitter account to promote the Apple Music release of Qu’s “Moon and Back” single — contrary to city hall’s code of conduct. 

NPA Coun. George Affleck confronted Robertson during question period at the end of the March 28 city council meeting, where Robertson oddly distanced himself from Qu.

Affleck referred to Qu as Robertson’s “partner in life,” to which Robertson responded: “I don’t have a life partner at this point, just to be clear on that front. The Tweet was really also an opportunity to listen to a Vancouver singer-songwriter’s new song.” (Oxford defines life partner as “a person with whom one is in a long-term monogamous relationship.” Robertson and Qu began dating in summer 2014.)

Robertson and Qu at Canada Sevens (Mackin)

The news overshadowed the July 4 resignation of Vision Vancouver Coun. Geoff Meggs to become Premier-designate John Horgan’s chief of staff. 

Could the by-election to replace Meggs, that Robertson said is expected in mid-October, fill a soon-to-be-announced second vacancy on city council? 

A source informed theBreaker that Robertson is in the running for a position with the Canada Infrastructure Bank. The new $35 billion, Liberal government Crown corporation will finance infrastructure projects with provincial, territorial, municipal and private partners. Robertson has been on the lookout for a federal gig since 2015, when he threw city hall support behind Justin Trudeau’s winning campaign.

Former Royal Bank of Canada chief administrative and financial officer Janice Fukakusa was named chair on July 6, a job that pays $85,000 to $100,000 a year. The Privy Council Office accepted board applications until June 30. CEO candidates have until July 21 to apply. 

Between eight and 11 directors will sit on the board and they are expected to commit at least 25 days a year. Senior executives and board members must not be employed by another government, which would mean Robertson could not continue as mayor. 

Robertson spokeswoman Katie Robb denied he was a candidate. 

“Mayor Robertson has not been in discussions regarding a position with the Canada Infrastructure Bank,” Robb told theBreaker

Meanwhile, the GregorRobertson.ca domain is back on the block. 

It was registered Feb. 16, 2016 for one year. Last summer, Robb denied that Robertson had registered the domain, but did not answer whether any effort was made to investigate who had registered it or whether Robertson would contest the registration. Vancouver’s mayor is, by far, the most famous person named Gregor Robertson in Canada.  

His GregorRobertson.com domain redirects to the Vision Vancouver website. It was registered in early 2007.

Bob Mackin Gregor Robertson is the mayor of

Bob Mackin

Onni’s Charleson.

Vancouver city hall isn’t going to send the Onni development cost levy waiver scandal to an external firm after all. 

Last fall, the developer of the 43-storey Charleson tower in Yaletown was found to have illegally received a $1.5 million break. The developer of the mixed strata condominium/rental should have paid $4.5 million in DCLs, but it got the big discount under a program reserved only for 100% rental towers. The developer-friendly, Vision Vancouver city hall called it a mistake.

Council had passed a motion Dec. 13 that said “in the interest of transparency, accountability, and openness,” it would direct staff to recommend an independent third party inquiry into the matter. 

“The scope of the inquiry should also include a review a review of all similar waivers relating to the STIR and Rental 100 programs,” said the motion.

A June 1 memo from City Manager Sadhu Johnston to Mayor and Council said the city’s chief risk officer did an internal review report Dec. 8 on the Charleson, and blamed an “administrative error.” The city’s internal auditors found no issues with the other 29 DCL waivers granted since 2009. KPMG was paid $26,771.35 to review the internal audit plan. 

Johnson estimated that it would cost $230,000 to $350,000 to hire an external firm “to replicate the full scope of the internal audit review.”

“Given the other actions undertaken to date, it is our recommendation that the significant cost of a further external review is not warranted,” Johnston wrote. 

Documents obtained by theBreaker under Freedom of Information show that bureaucrats Berg Balantzyan and Kathy Morgan were handling the file in 2014 when Onni got the DCL waiver. The company wrote a Dec. 1, 2016 cheque to city hall for $1,558,753.33. 

2017-004 – res by BobMackin on Scribd

Bob Mackin [caption id="attachment_4680" align="alignright" width="259"] Onni's Charleson.[/caption] Vancouver

Some of the men detained by police on July 2.

Bob Mackin

Controversy of a different sort at the contentious Point Grey Road bike lane during Canada Day weekend. 

A reader told theBreaker about an incident east of Lululemon founder Chip Wilson’s $75 million mansion around 6:30 p.m. on July 2. 

A Vancouver Police spokesman confirmed it was a “roadside drug investigation.”

Man in handcuffs on Point Grey Road.

A witness who provided images to theBreaker, but declined to be indentified in print, said a police cruiser and two beach patrol all-terrain vehicles sped to the Bayswater beach access stairs.

The officers returned to street level with seven males, who were then lined-up two-to-three feet apart, except for one handcuffed male who was made to sit curbside. The handcuffs were eventually removed. The witness said police kept the males there for about two hours.  

The witness heard one of the men say: “I’m not trying to be a bad guy; I’m trying to be a good guy.”

“The men were detained during the initial investigation and then released,” Const. Jason Doucette said via email.

“A number of items were seized and a vehicle was towed. No charges have been recommended at this point.”

As such, theBreaker has chosen to obscure the faces of the men for the time being. 

UPDATE (Aug. 10): Doucette told theBreaker that no charges were laid. “The file has been concluded and would only be reopened if relevant additional information became available,” he said. 

[caption id="attachment_4674" align="alignright" width="386"] Some of the

Bob Mackin

The New Orleans company behind the bankrupt Pemberton Music Festival claims that local investors ignored its last-minute plan to keep the 2017 event alive.

That, according to Huka Entertainment’s June 23 response to the scathing trustee’s report tabled at the June 6 creditors meeting.

The 16-page response, via Jonathan Williams of Owen Bird, was quietly posted on trustee Ernst and Young’s website. It shifts the allegations of gross mismanagement back at local investors Amanda Girling and Jim Dales. The July 13-16 festival was cancelled May 18, leaving more than $13 million in unsecured creditors, mostly ticketholders. The creditors meeting heard the festival lost almost $50 million between 2014 and 2016 after initial projections of modest profits.

Huka’s written response said the concert promoter took “extraordinary and successful steps, up to the last moment, to obviate the need for bankrtuptcy” by securing a letter of intent from an unnamed high net worth individual willing to help the 2017 festival to proceed. Huka also said it proposed to move the festival to reduce costs. The alternative location was also not mentioned in the report.

“These two developments appear to have been entirely ignored by the Canadian investors,” Huka said in its response. 

Festival site owner/investor Girling, investor Dales and Huka rep Stephane Lescure voted for the bankruptcy on May 16. Huka claims Lescure voted as an individual, contrary to Huka’s “stated complete opposition to bankruptcy, if it meant failing to honour fan or artist commitments.”

The festival’s holding company reported $6.6 million in assets, including $2.9 million cash. At the June 6 meeting, Girling’s company Janspec and Dales’s 1644609 Alberta Ltd. withdrew their $3.7 million in secured creditor claims.

The Huka response claimed that Girling and Dales were operational partners from day one, who were well-informed and given complete access to financial files. “Moreover, the Canadian investors always did their own ‘due diligence’ and then repeatedly invested funds, after weighing the risks and benefits, and this was always based on full disclosure and explicit reporting by Huka, H1 and third-party accounting.”

Huka said it never accessed any funds that it was not entitled or authorized to take, nor did it receive USD$3.45 million in producer fees. 

“In fact, Huka worked for months at a time without pay, in an effort to make the events viable. By way of contrast the Canadian Investors did redirect funds intended for other purposes, including taxes owing, and instead used those funds to pay themselves and a select group of vendors.”

Huka said it only received payment for its services in order to pay the wages of two dozen full-time employees who worked year-round to produce the festival. Girling and Dales received rent revenue for the land and other fees, plus benefits in the form of tax credits “of considerable value.”

11th hour cancellation threat “false innuendo”

Huka rejected the allegation that it threatened to cancel the 2016 festival on the eve of its kickoff after demanding $3.6 million to cover cost overruns.

“This is false innuendo, arising mainly from omissions,” said the response.

A meeting did occur and additional funds were needed, but Huka said the local investors were aware of that “for a long time prior to the date here. “

“At no point after guests had arrived at the festival was cancellation ever discussed.”

Huka called the allegation that it drew monthly producer fees after the 2016 money-losing festival “completely untrue and outrageous” and demanded it be withdrawn and publicly corrected. Huka alleged that Girling’s company, Janspec, used $233,933.90 of festival funds to pay Janspec and another Girling company, Sunstone. 

“This was despite explicit reporting from Huka that funds were very limited, such that the venture could be in jeopardy.”

Huka claimed it repeatedly warned the Canadian investors that they were wasting time that should have been spent preparing for the 2017 festival. “This situation was growing more dire with each passing day. This approach by the Canadian investors was a constant theme underlying the complete history of PMF, and interfered with Huka performing its duties.”

Girling and Dales, Huka said, “continued to retard the process by repeatedly diverting attention to tangential matters that only interfered with moving forward, rather than focussing on producing PMF 17 in a timely manner. Many of these steps that delayed the process were taken without Huka’s knowledge, and contrary to Huka’s repeated pleas to move forward.”

The offer they made to take Huka out of the festival was not fair market or good faith, Huka countered: the company claimed they offered $0 for Huka’s interest in H1, “a company into which Huka infused assets that continue to be worth millions of dollars.”

Huka founder A.J. Niland and CEO Evan Harrison did not respond to theBreaker for comment. Likewise, Girling and Dales have refused comment. By email, Janspec vice-president Nyal Wilcox said “The original trustee report was based on facts, excerpts from emails and actual events. We have no comment on Huka’s version of the story.”

theBreaker revealed at the end of May that a Horseshoe Bay businessman, Joseph Spears, is leading a group aiming to salvage the festival this summer in Pemberton or at another venue. Spears told theBreaker on July 5 that he is “working out the details.”

Bob Mackin The New Orleans company behind the

Bob Mackin 

Commonwealth Games Canada’s CEO says Victoria is the country’s only bidder for the 2022 Games, despite Vancouver being mentioned by the organization’s lobbyist.

But, if Victoria is chosen by the Commonwealth Games Federation this fall, Brian MacPherson said venue sites may be subject to change, based on government support and priorities. 

MacPherson

“We’re fully committed and working with Victoria at the moment,” MacPherson told theBreaker in an interview. “If and when we can sit down with the B.C. government, and if they’re supportive of this, if they have other options, we’d be more than happy to listen to them.”

Robin MacLachlan of Summa Strategies registered June 27 with the B.C. Office of the Registrar of Lobbyists, intending on “Engaging political decision-makers in government and opposition with respect to support for bids from Vancouver and Victoria for the hosting of the 2022 Commonwealth Games.” John Horgan was listed as the only lobbying target. The NDP leader and Victoria area MLA became Premier-designate two days later when the BC Liberal government fell on a confidence vote. 

CGF fired 2022 host Durban, South Africa in March for missed deadlines. Newspaper publisher David Black announced the Victoria bid on June 7. Birmingham and Liverpool are seeking the U.K. nod, while 1998 host Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, is also pondering a bid. 

theBreaker reported that Burnaby had explored a bid, but Mayor Derek Corrigan deemed it too ambitious and risky. Burnaby’s deliberations included the possibility of holding opening and closing ceremonies at B.C. Place Stadium in Vancouver.

MacPherson said full support from all three levels of government is necessary. The bidding deadline is Aug. 31. 

“As soon as we know there’s support from the B.C. government there will be tri-level government discussions towards a multi-party agreement, starting immediately,” he said. “The federal government is supportive of having a Canadian bid and hosting the 2022 Games. That was our first step, to gauge their level of support.”

(Office of the Registrar of Lobbyists)

Capital Regional District directors voted June 28 behind closed doors to support the bid “subject to a proper business plan being presented and approved by local governments and institutions, in public.” The Grumpy Taxpayer$ of Greater Victoria have complained to the B.C. Ombudsperson. 

Black did not announce a budget estimate for Victoria 2022. MacPherson said the goal for bidders is something on par with Glasgow 2014’s operations budget of $700 million. He conceded that governments would bear other, non-organizing committee costs, such as regional security and cleaning of streets. The security bill for the Vancouver 2010 Winter Olympics was $900 million.

Reusing venues from the 1994 Commonwealth Games is key to the Victoria plan, as would transforming hangars, studios and warehouses into temporary sport venues. 

“We don’t want to build anything new, unless we have to,” he said. 

A major capital expense would be the athletes’ village, which could be built at the University of Victoria. MacPherson said the CGF is open to alternatives, to avoid a $1 billion complex like the one Vancouver built for the 2010 Winter Olympics. That developer was bailed out before the Games and then put into receivership after the Games. 

The Commonwealth Games have doubled in size and scope since Victoria hosted 23 years ago when 2,557 athletes from 63 nations who competed in 10 sports. At Glasgow 2014, 71 nations sent 4,497 athletes to compete in 18 sports. By comparison, Vancouver’s 2010 Winter Olympics featured 2,566 athletes from 82 nations in seven sports. 

Vancouver 2010 organizers claimed to have balanced a budget of nearly $2 billion, but B.C.’s auditor general never did a final report and the Games board minutes and books are hidden from the public until 2025.

Chris Shaw, the former leader of the No Games 2010 Coalition, now lives in Victoria and he said in a recent interview with theBreaker that citizens must be allowed to decide the fate of the bid in a binding referendum.

UPDATE (July 11): Black has added four big names to his committee, including ex-Vancouver 2010 CEO John Furlong.

Furlong has been under a cloud since September 2012 when the Georgia Straight revealed omissions and inconsistencies in his post-Olympic memoir, Patriot Hearts. Several of his ex-students accused him of abuse. Furlong was not charged, none of the abuse allegations was tested in court and he did not sue any of the accusers. He withdrew a defamation lawsuit against the Georgia Straight and writer Laura Robinson, but Robinson’s defamation trial against Furlong failed. 

Joining Furlong are ex-Victoria 1994 CEO George Heller, ex-federal sport minister Iona Campagnolo, and former Own the Podium CEO Roger Jackson. 

Bob Mackin  Commonwealth Games Canada's CEO says Victoria

Bob Mackin 

Instead of relaxing and celebrating Canada 150, Andreas and Dorte Kargut and their two sons moved away from the Wellington Court townhouse complex in Richmond, destined for a new start in Vernon. 

“Our home was no longer a home, it was just a place where we lived,” Andreas Kargut told theBreaker.

Karguts leave Richmond (Facebook)

In late 2015, Kargut made national news after he filed a discrimination complaint to the British Columbia Human Rights Tribunal. The strata council for the 54-unit complex held meetings in Mandarin and refused to hire an English translator. The new slate came to power with 30 proxy votes, and it refused to respect the English-speaking minority.

Kargut and six neighbours thought they had reached a truce last summer after settlement negotiations. But the strata council balked at the annual general meeting over the cost of a translator and reverted to Mandarin-only meetings for its convenience. Kargut said he was the target of unjustified threats and insults.

“They labelled me a racist, as a crook, none of which are true,” Kargut said. “I was only trying to make the public aware that we used to have harmony until one person came in with a whole bunch of proxy votes and had convinced the council to decide to be non-inclusive towards English-speaking Canadians.”

He appealed to civic, provincial and federal politicians, but none was willing to help his cause. He wrote letters twice to then-Housing Minister Rich Coleman, who never responded. Through the media, he shot down the idea of adding an official languages clause to the province’s Strata Property Act that would have required business be conducted in English or French.

“Here’s the housing minister not taking ownership of a serious housing issue,” Kargut said.

Kargut said his parents came from Germany, learned English and assimilated. He wonders why so many people have immigrated to Richmond from the People’s Republic of China and not embraced English. 

He moved to Richmond in 1979 when it was a small, suburban community where neighbours knew each other. Today, it is home to nearly 200,000. Half the residents are ethnic Chinese.  

“That has changed dramatically, especially over the last 10 years, where you really don’t know who your neighbour is,” Kargut said. “People are either buying or selling their places or possibly just buy a place and don’t live there at all.”

He said he doesn’t feel welcome in Richmond anymore and the cost of housing is too high. Moving to Ladner or the Fraser Valley were not viable options, because the commuting would have meant less time spent together with his family. Instead, he took advantage of a Vernon job opening at his telecommunications industry employer. The family will rent a house for the time being. Meanwhile, Kargut’s elderly mother, sister and brother remain in Richmond. 

“There is nothing left for us here, we’ve got to look for our future and have a future to look forward to rather than dealing with the past and how wonderful of a community Richmond was when I moved here as a teenager. I spent many wonderful years in Richmond watching it grow, now watching it self destruct. It’s very tough for me.”

As for the human rights complaint, he hopes it is heard early in 2018. 

“We’re fighting based on principle,” he said. “If we fight it and win it, that means other people in the Lower Mainland suffering the same issues as we are will have some sort of hope to fight it and win.”

Are you an English-speaker in Richmond, facing a similar language barrier? Do you know a Mandarin speaker in Richmond who is facing difficulties in finding English as a Second Language services? Please comment below or contact theBreaker directly. 

Bob Mackin  Instead of relaxing and celebrating Canada 150,

Bob Mackin

Exactly 2,300 days since she was sworn-in, Christy Clark is now the ex-Premier of British Columbia.

She was first female to lead a B.C. party to election victory in 2013 and the first female to be forced out of office in B.C. in a no-confidence vote, just over four years later. In the end, the strong campaigner and weak governor was denied her wish to run just one more campaign. 

It happened on the 5,869th day of BC Liberal rule.  

Clark arrived at Government House at 5:53 p.m. on June 29, after the BC Liberal government lost the throne speech confidence vote 44-42 at 5:26 p.m.

She emerged at 7:23 p.m. and took no questions from the reporters outside Government House. She said very little, except that Lt. Gov. Judith Guichon had “retired to make her decision.”

Clark arrived on her own, after leaving the Legislature through a gauntlet of clapping and cheering well-wishers. Those included Sebastien Togneri, an aide to Deputy Premier Rich Coleman and disgraced former federal Conservative aide who was caught interfering with access to information documents sought by reporters. Also among the well-wishers was caucus communications head Nick Koolsbergen, a former issues management director for ex-Prime Minister Stephen Harper.

Dyed-in-the-wool federal Liberal Clark’s experiment to recruit federal Conservatives for key backroom positions was a flop in the end. More so after she took a sharp turn to the left on June 22. 

Clark is known for being fast and loose with the facts and that happened right after her meeting at Government House. Guichon did not actually “retire,” as Clark claimed. Instead Clark resigned and Guichon called NDP leader John Horgan and asked him to form the Green-supported NDP minority government. 

Clark later told reporters that she had asked Guichon to dissolve the Legislature and call a snap election, something that Clark had previously said she wouldn’t ask. 

This, after a bizarre week of twists and turns in the B.C. Legislature that included the Liberal throne speech that plagiarized heavily from the NDP and Green platforms that Clark had opposed on the way to May 9. 

Horgan and Weaver insist they can make their minority government work the full four years. That, of course, remains to be seen. They will need to look inside government files — those that have not already been deleted or destroyed by BC Liberals desperate to cover their tracks — and come up with a budget by September. They also face a busy summer of hiring and firing key executive and board positions.

Brad Bennett and Jessica McDonald’s days as BC Hydro chair and CEO are numbered, for example. Same for Athana Mentzelopoulos, the deputy finance minister and longtime Clark confidante. The board of B.C. Pavilion Corporation added adman Jatinder Rai and Clark’s former deputy minister John Dyble last year. They will no doubt be subtracted. It would be a shocker if the NDP kept Doug Eastwood, a civil litigation lawyer in the attorney general’s ministry, around. Eastwood co-chaired Clark’s 2011 leadership campaign with Patrick Kinsella and remained heavily involved in the party afterward.

There will be a natural tendency for the NDP to reward their loyalists for key positions, but Horgan will be under scrutiny to base most hirings on merit. Otherwise, it will be easy fodder for not only journalists, but a BC Liberal opposition that will pull no punches in Question Period.

The wheels are already in motion to replace Clark as leader. Expect a BC Liberal leadership convention before the next election. 

Stay tuned for more developments in theBreaker.  

Bob Mackin Exactly 2,300 days since she

Bob Mackin

How much did it cost to lock-up the media on the Feb. 21 British Columbia budget day, feed us lunch and ply us with documents? 

A real simple question, eh? 

First the answer. Then how difficult it was to access.

Documents released June 13 to theBreaker revealed that taxpayers were billed $61,030.20 to rent the Victoria Conference Centre, $21,408.85 for contractor SW Audio Visual, $1,117.33 for pouches, lanyards, badges and tent cards from Grand and Toy and Staples, $882.07 for media and staff catering from Savoury Chef, and $155.30 for lunch for opposition politicians. 

The grand total? $85,356.95. See the invoices and receipts below. 

A very minuscule amount, compared to the $50 billion taxing and spending plan that BC Liberal Finance Minister Mike de Jong unveiled on the day. 

Now for the making of the sausage. 

theBreaker filed this Freedom of Information request on Feb. 23:

Regarding the Feb. 21, 2017 budget lockups in Victoria and Vancouver: A list of the costs for the production, manufacture and delivery of printed products and the USB cards; The costs for audio-visual production; The costs for catered food and beverages; The cost for facility rental at the Victoria Convention Centre; A list of the names of suppliers of goods and services and the dollar values of their contracts. 

On March 31, Government Communications and Public Engagement responded, with a letter dated March 22:

“The requested records contain information that may affect the business interests or invade the personal privacy of a third party. To assist us in determining whether we may disclose this information, we are giving the third party an opportunity to make representations concerning disclosure… We will notify you of the Ministry’s decision on whether we will disclose the records by May 5, 2017.”

May 5 came and went. 

So did the May 9 election. The BC Liberals lost their majority. 

On May 11, GCPE wrote: 

“After considering all relevant factors the Government Communications and Public Engagement has decided to give you full access to the records you requested. The Third Party has 20 days to request a review with the Office of the Information and Privacy Commissioner (OIPC). We will respond to you on June 9, 2017, unless the Third Party has requested a review with the OIPC.”

June 9 came and went. 

The records were finally sent  June 13. 

De Jong is not only the Minister of Finance, but he also oversees the central government FOI office, called Information Access Operations. He has long fashioned himself as a champion for transparency, a claim that some in the Parliamentary Press Gallery believe, but he is really just a censor in sheep’s clothing. 

More than anything, on such an innocuous request for information, it demonstrates the system is broken. The Liberals promised better. In their 2001 New Era election platform, they vowed to make B.C. the most open, accountable and democratic province in Canada. 

Full disclosure: Yours truly attended the Vancouver lockup in the Premier’s Vancouver Office at the Canada Place World Trade Centre. Notwithstanding the anti-democratic refusal of de Jong to take questions, via speakerphone, from Vancouver-based reporters, I did enjoy one deli sandwich and two beverages during the four hours that I was not allowed to leave. According to the Savoury Chef invoice, that would be worth $12. Staff in the Office of the Premier do read theBreaker, so please contact yours truly as soon as possible so I can arrange to deliver reimbursement to the public treasury, in-person at the Premier’s Vancouver Office.

That is, if you are able to find time between all the document deleting and expense account maxing.

GCP 2017 70800 Budget Lockup by BobMackin on Scribd

Bob Mackin How much did it cost to lock-up

Bob Mackin

How much did all those pre-election B.C. government ads cost? 

How much were taxpayers dinged for Liberal pre-election ads?

Y’know, the ones that the BC Liberals denied were taxpayer-funded campaign ads, but instead “necessary” for the public to know how to access services. Opposition politicians weren’t buying the spin and even the auditor general, Carol Bellringer, said the ad specifically hyping a balanced budget was political.

This, from a government headed by Christy Clark, the outspoken opponent of NDP government advertising waste in 1999, who said the following in Question Period: “People don’t want the government to spend 700 grand of their money so they can find out how to access services; people want this government to spend their money so that those services are there for them to access, that’s what British Columbians want.”

theBreaker knows that central government advertising doubled to $12.5 million for the year ended March 31, 2016, and that the BC Liberal cabinet decided last December to spend another $15 million by the end of March 2017, just before the official kickoff of the election. 

The actual numbers and the details are hard to come by. Nobody in the Government Communications and Public Engagement office would disclose them on a routine basis; they were under orders to refuse to tell reporters the approved budgets and told reporters to wait until the annual Public Accounts release for the final costs. The government loves to bury advertising costs inside the annual, cross-government document dump that is the Public Accounts. 

Governments stretching back to the Social Credit days of the 1980s have been under fire for spending on ads that boost the image of the ruling party and its politicians. Behind the scenes, the admen and adwomen are often handpicked for contracts based on their service to the party and friendships with those in high offices. 

Getting the numbers didn’t get any easier when Vancouver lawyers Paul Doroshenko and David Fai went to B.C. Supreme Court earlier this year to take the first steps toward a class action lawsuit. They ultimately want the BC Liberals to reimburse the public treasury. Goverment lawyers are resisting, but Doroshenko and Fai hope that will change if the NDP and Green alliance replaces the BC Liberals. 

theBreaker has been able to access some of the spending lists and invoices involving the four main contractors for the Our Opportunity Is Here ad campaign, yet the government has only disclosed information about the so-called “Services” sub-campaign which promoted the main government website, the budget and various tax breaks for seniors and families. The government is also fond of exploiting weak freedom of information laws and weak enforcement by the Office of the Information and Privacy Commissioner. Several of the documents were not sent to theBreaker until after the election. 

Vizeum is the government’s advertising buyer for TV, radio, outdoor and newspapers. Between April 1, 2016 and March 15, 2017, documents show that it billed the government $5,484,771.98. 

Much of that was spent in binges. From late April to the end of May last year, it charged $750,000. There were four invoices dated Nov. 25, 2016 and Dec. 1, 2016 totalling $1.3 million. During the first two weeks of March 2017, it spent another $1.5 million. 

But that was all the government was willing to tell theBreaker, which wanted to see a breakdown of ads and dollars by media outlet and company. 

“Please note as per standard process, invoices are reviewed for accuracy to ensure receipt of service/product,” said the government’s FOI response. “As always, a breakdown by campaign / project will be available at Public Accounts. Further to your request for a detailed breakdown of advertising by broadcast media outlet, that information is not readily available.

Between Dec. 16, 2016 and March 16, 2017, Vizeum invoiced $1,749,357.91. During the same three-month period, Kimbo Design charged taxpayers $1,179,699.08. The latter company is run by Kim Pickett, the designer of Christy Clark’s leadership branding, and logos for the BC Liberals and Vision Vancouver. 

Kimbo worked on the government’s anti-B.C. Teachers’ Federation social media campaign in 2014, a gig worth $335,000. 

Between Sept. 1, 2015 and April 22, 2016, Kimbo also invoiced for $1,115,172.01. Kimbo charged taxpayers another $200,000 for April 23, 2016 to June 7, 2016, much of that was spent on Facebook. 

Creative agency St. Bernadine Mission ($461,156.15) and Response Advertising ($109,700) were the other contractors. Response president Jatinder Rai is a longtime Clark backroom advisor who scored directorships on the ICBC and B.C. Pavilion Corporation boards thanks to Clark. Between Sept. 1, 2015 and April 22, 2016, Response billed $509,950.39. 

But, back to Kimbo. It was paid $4.13 million for all of its government work for the year-ended March 31, 2016. Compare with the $666,905 during 2013-2014, the first year Kimbo worked on government projects. 

GCP-2017-70998 Vizeum by BobMackin on Scribd

GCP-2017-71008 by BobMackin on Scribd

GCP-2016-65173 OOH by BobMackin on Scribd

GCP-2017-70990 Kimbo by BobMackin on Scribd

GCP 2017 70996 Bernadine by BobMackin on Scribd

Bob Mackin How much did all those pre-election

Bob Mackin

A baby step, but not the great leap forward that British Columbia needs. 

That is the early verdict from Democracy Watch on the BC Liberals’ 11th hour, dead on arrival bill to ban big money from politics. 

The NDP and Green alliance voted 44-42 to reject the corporate and union donation ban as soon as it was tabled in the Legislature on June 26 — the 5,866th day of BC Liberal rule. The opposition parties, who won more seats and more votes combined than the BC Liberals in the May 9 election, won’t consider any government bills because they want to topple Premier Christy Clark’s administration in a non-confidence vote expected June 29. 

Democracy Watch’s Duff Conacher

Democracy Watch co-founder Duff Conacher said the proposed law would not have solved political influence-buying by corporations and unions, because the $2,500 annual maximum donation to a party and $2,500 annual maximum for a constituency association are too high. Corporations and unions would have found creative ways to funnel donations to parties and politicians, he said.

“Such a high limit for donations from individuals will obscure, not stop, the influence of big money in B.C. politics, as it will be easy for any business to have, for example, 10 executives and their spouses each give the maximum, which will add up to a $100,000 donation,” Conacher said. “The media and the public will have difficulty tracing those donations back to the business, especially if the executives have common names or their spouses have different last names or are not publicly known.”

That is exactly what happened in Quebec. In 2013, the Charbonneau Commission inquiry into that province’s corruption-riddled construction industry heard about SNC-Lavalin’s political donation slush fund. Around $1 million of company money was funnelled through senior staff and their spouses into the pockets of the Parti Quebecois, Liberals and Union Montreal. 

Conacher said donations of money, goods and services should be capped at $100 to $200 each party (Quebec’s limit is now $100). The same limit, he said, should apply to candidates donating to their own campaigns, with donations being routed through Elections BC. 

“This is a democratic amount because it is an amount an average voter can afford,” Conacher said.

If parties cry poverty and argue for bigger budgets to operate, then they should get annual subsidies of $1 per vote, based on the results of the last election, Conacher said. There should also be public funding to match the first $500,000 raised by a party each year, public funding to match $25,000 raised per nomination race and $100,000 for each party leadership candidate. B.C. taxpayers already indirectly support political parties because donors are eligible for tax credits. 

Conacher was disappointed that the Liberal bill failed to require detailed disclosure of all donations and gifts of money, goods and services and volunteer labour. Such disclosure should include the identity of the donor’s employer, any board and executive affiliations, and the disclosure of anyone who assists with any fundraising or fundraising event. 

Conacher said effective campaign finance laws also need annual random audits by election, donation and ethics watchdogs and Elections BC and the Auditor General should be empowered to review and reject or order changes to partisan or misleading government advertising. Such a law should also be punctuated with stiff fines of $100,000 and up, plus jail sentences. 

In the 2001 platform, the BC Liberals promised nation-leading democracy in B.C.

NDP leader John Horgan has pledged to immediately reform campaign finance laws if his alliance with Green leader Andrew Weaver forms government. For years, the BC Liberals resisted calls to limit the size and source of donations and voted down six NDP bills to ban corporate and union donations. The BC Liberals changed their hardline stance June 22 with a throne speech that copied heavily from the NDP and Green platforms they recently ran against.

The RCMP and a special prosecutor are investigating illegal donations made by lobbyists to the BC Liberals. 

Between January 2016 and May 2017, the BC Liberals grossed $21.3 million in donations. The party was holding private, unadvertised fundraising parties where donors met face-to-face with Clark, who was paid a $50,000-a-year bonus. Last week, the NDP held a $350-a-plate dinner at the posh Hotel Vancouver which was crashed by anti-poverty activists. 

Earlier this year, theBreaker reported that Clark and Deputy Premier Rich Coleman were guests at a private February 2016 fundraiser that resulted in $1.65 million in donations. Companies related to Wall Financial donated $400,000 the same week those companies sold Chinatown land to BC Housing for $6.7 million. 

Bob Mackin A baby step, but not the