Recent Posts
Connect with:
Tuesday / July 1.
  • No products in the cart.
HomeStandard Blog Whole Post (Page 244)

Bob Mackin

On May 16, theBreaker exclusively reported that the BC Liberals had raised almost $7.3 million between New Year’s Day and Election Day. That figure was based on the party’s unaudited, proactive disclosures on its website. 

Right before Victoria Day weekend, the party slipped another PDF onto its website. After conversion to Excel, theBreaker has discovered that the Liberals brought in another $914,751.50 in donations.

That pushes the total for 2017 so far to a whopping $8,211,335.27. 

Compare that to the $7.44 million the party raised for the entire 2008 calendar year. Add it to the $13.1 million gross from 2016, and the Liberals have raised $21.3 million in less than 17 months. Deputy Premier Rich Coleman boasted last September that the party was already “fully funded” for the campaign. So why didn’t it stop?

Elections BC set $4,882,404.95 as the maximum a party could spend during the 28-day election period and $77,674.92 per candidate (or $6,757,691.94 for a full slate in 87 ridings). Even if the Liberals spent to the limit under both categories, they would have a sizeable war chest for 2021 or sooner.

The new list includes $100,000 from Rick Ilich, the CEO of Townline Homes, which ties Goldcorp’s Jan. 4 donation of $100,000 for the biggest single contribution of the 2017.

Townline scored a $23.2 million loan from BC Housing in late 2015 for a Port Moody project called The Strand. BC Housing is the Crown corporation under Coleman’s control. 

Ilich also gave the party $100,000 in February 2016, on the same day that the party was showered with $700,000 from various arms of the Wall-Redekop clan. 

The new list also shows $75,000 from Wesgroup Properties, $50,000 from Maple Ridge Plaza Properties Ltd., and $30,000 from Burnco Rock Products Ltd. 

There were four donations from four of developer Norman Cressey’s numbered companies, totalling $100,000. 

Robert Bosa’s BlueSky Properties Inc. and Bosa Properties gave $25,000 each. Though the Liberals claim they processed the donations on May 12, donations may have been received many months prior. 

Citizens disgusted

Despite widespread calls for reforms, there are still no legal limits to the size or source of donations to B.C. provincial or municipal political parties. The RCMP and special prosecutor David Butcher are investigating donations made by lobbyists on behalf of their clients, after a March 4 Globe and Mail story. The Liberals have returned nearly $250,000 in illegal donations. 

Under the freedom of information law, theBreaker asked March 17 for copies of correspondence to the Office of the Premier about BC Liberal fundraising, the lack of laws, and Elections BC calling in the RCMP to investigate lobbyists donations. According to documents received May 23, the citizens who wrote to Premier Christy Clark wanted immediate change. Many said they would base their ballot box decision on the need for campaign finance reform.

(The Premier’s office censored the names of letter-writers, citing a privacy clause in the FOI law.)  

March 4, 10:38 a.m.: “The current lack of limits on who can donate and how much is corrupting to our system of government. Is would and must be changed. Your lack of action on this is morally wrong and should damage your re-election chances. For what to do and how, look to Quebec, which used to be the target of many corruption allegations and is now becoming a model of campaign financing probity.” 

March 5, 12:41 p.m.: “The B.C. rules on poetical donations are a blight on democracy in our province. It is time for real limits on how political parties are funded. This will certainly affect my vote this year.”

March 6, 2:53 p.m.: “How can you possibly project yourselves as competent and trustworthy guardians of what is best for this great province when you refuse to address this issue? It is irresponsible and reeks of the potential for corruption – or, more likely, it is corrupt already.” 

March 7, 3:23 p.m.: “Donations from large corporations to the Liberal Party of B.C. is legalized bribery. It appears that your government has been bought and paid for by the corporate lobby.”

March 9, 4:53 p.m.: “So now I will know in real time who is buying the government. Stop legalized corruption of our democracy. Do the right thing by ending corporate and union donations and limiting individual contributions. This election is yours to lose.” 

March 13, 9:18 p.m.: “I don’t want my government determining health policy based on the size of donations to the governing party from Big Pharma, Big Pot, Big Alcohol, or Big Tobacco, establishing environment programs based on the size of donations from the oil industry or fish farmers, or deciding taxation and social safety net strategy based on the size of donations from only the wealthiest citizens.” 

March 14, 7:41 a.m.: “Legislation can be enacted quickly – the ethically right thing to do would be to change the law today. There should be no donations over one hundred dollars.” 

March 10, 11:20 a.m.: “Unlimited corporate and union donations to political parties are not only unethical, but also are eventually poisonous to the recipient. We’re watching and we don’t like what we see. The optics suck!”

March 10, 10:34 p.m.: “Accepting money from foreign corporations and holding private meetings where rich people can get the undivided attention of politicians is beyond despicable. Apparently ethics in politics is not a part of the Liberal party of British Columbia’s strong suits.”

March 6, 8:30 p.m.: “I think that it is time to put a cap on donations. Access to government by a monied few is not right.” 

The documents released to theBreaker included a copy of an undated, handwritten letter from a citizen that had apparently been trying to get a meeting or phone call with Clark for two years, but could not afford to attend a cash-for-access fundraiser. 

“Sadly, because of financial constraints, most of us cannot participate in the above practices, which in essence is undermining the ‘democratic process’. It is becoming evident that British Columbia is essentially a plutocracy, where the wealthiest of us are now governing the province.” 

2017_May19_BClibs 2 by BobMackin on Scribd

OOP-2017-71014 by BobMackin on Scribd

Bob Mackin On May 16, theBreaker exclusively

Bob Mackin 

The three directors of a numbered company behind the bankrupt Pemberton Music Festival quit six days before the 2017 edition was cancelled, leaving ticket holders with no certainty of refunds. 

The federal Superintendent of Bankruptcy says the May 18-bankrupt Pemberton Music Festival LP and 1115666 B.C. Ltd. had $16,744,723 in liabilities and $6,609,149 in assets.

Producer/promoter Huka Entertainment’s website said it did not make the decision to cancel the July 13-16 festival: “That decision was made by the Pemberton Music Festival LP (PMF). We are extremely disappointed for our fans, artists and all of our partners who have supported the festival over the years.” Scheduled headliners were Chance the Rapper, Muse and A Tribe Called Quest. 

B.C. Registry Services shows 1115666 B.C. Ltd. was incorporated April 19 with three directors: Stephane Lescure of Calabasas, Calif., Amanda Girling of Langley and James Dales of Vancouver. They ceased to be directors on May 12, according to a May 17-filed change of directors notice. 

The numbered company is the general partner of PMF, which was registered in 2014 to the office of Vancouver law firm Lawson Lundell. 

Both Girling and Dales are also directors of Arthritis Research Canada, whose board includes ex-BC Liberal finance minister Colin Hansen, the CEO of the New York Times-featured AdvantageBC

James Dales

Dales is the president and founder of Procon, a Burnaby-headquartered mine builder, operator and financier. Its website says it has a subcontract on the $9 billion Site C dam project to “manage the silica exposure control program, the mine rescue program, and underground safety program” for Peace River Hydro Partners.  

Girling’s Arthritis Research Canada bio lists her as CEO of Janspec Group of companies which includes the Pemberton Music Festival, the Sunstone Group, and Oak Tree Manor, an independent living facility for seniors in Nanaimo. Sunstone Ranch was the venue where Louisiana-based Huka staged the Pemberton Music Festival. The long-term concept for Sunstone Ridge includes a 21-acre “learning, living and recreation” community. However, the entire 274-acre property is for sale at a listing price of $16.8 million. 

Amanda Girling

Girling is a former executive director of the Turner Foundation. Canada Revenue Agency’s online file for the Turner Foundation says it reported $217 in assets and $43,497 in liabilities for 2016, with total revenue of $12,288 and expenditures of $12,556. Turner Foundation’s ongoing programs are described on the CRA website as “providing educational and development opportunities in Kenya. Construct bore holes and water distribution facilities. Support orphans so they can attend primary and secondary schools. Fund raising programs including holding SOL for Pemberton Music Festival Ltd. Partnership.” 

Neither Dales nor Girling responded to phone messages from theBreaker. Lawyer William Skelly, who acts for Dales and Girling, refused to do an interview with theBreaker. By email, Skelly would not comment on either Dales or Girling’s backgrounds, their investments or how they have been affected by the bankruptcy. 

According to trustee Ernst and Young, the festival claimed $8.225 million revenue to date on a $22 million budget. It blamed the high U.S. dollar, because most performers are paid in greenbacks and fewer performers are touring this summer.  

Last year, the festival claimed 38,423 average ticket sales per day and $15.23 million revenue.

In 2014, PMF, through the Turner Foundation, hired liquor licence consultant Bert Hick to lobby then-liquor minister and Attorney General Suzanne Anton. Gabe Garfinkel, a former aide to Premier Christy Clark, was hired to lobby in 2014 for Sunstone Ridge Developments. Before the 2016 festival, Mark Reder of Fleishman Hillard was hired by Huka to lobby Premier Christy Clark, Ministers Shirley Bond and Norm Letnick and local Liberal MLA Jordan Sturdy to “raise awareness of economic contribution of the Pemberton Music Festival to regional economy.” 

Huka donated $3,200 to the BC Liberals on Jan. 25, 2016. 

Are you a Pemberton Music Festival ticket holder, worker or performer? theBreaker wants to hear from you. Go here. 

Bob Mackin  The three directors of a numbered

Bob Mackin 

The centrepiece of the BC Liberals’ affordable housing platform has fallen far short of expectations. 

Last Dec. 15, Premier Christy Clark announced the B.C. Home Owner Mortgage and Equity Partnership scheme, offering loans up to $37,500 for first-time buyers of houses worth up to $750,000. The 25-year loans are interest-free and payment-free for the first five years. The government said the $703 million program would benefit 42,000 buyers over three years. 

Documents released under the freedom of information law to theBreaker on May 9, provincial election day, said the government expected to issue 2,778 loans worth $47 million by March 31. 

An April 7 news release by BC Housing, the Crown corporation administering the program, said that only 352 first-time buyers since the program’s Jan. 16 launch would receive a combined $5.3 million in loans on closing of their purchases. Another 645 applicants had been pre-approved. (Neither BC Housing nor the Housing Ministry responded with information updates to theBreaker by deadline on May 18.)

Coleman at a mortgage store on Jan. 16. (BC Gov)

The December 2016 technical briefing document also contemplated issuing 11,110 loans worth $185 million in the 2017-2018 fiscal year. By March 31, 2020, the government expected the average loan amount would be $16,685.

theBreaker asked the Rich Coleman-controlled Housing Ministry on Feb. 24 for a report that explains and justifies the program cost and the loan terms. The government responded March 27, claiming that it needed an extra 30 business days, until May 10. The records were sent to theBreaker just before 11 a.m. on election day. 

The Tyee’s Andrew MacLeod reported that the government sent him December-requested documents about BC HOME on May 11, two days after the election. Those documents included correspondence from Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation CEO Evan Siddall, who said the program stunk. 

“You will know we are holding our noses firmly on this and I would not want any other [provinces and territories] to be misled into thinking this ill-advised program represents good public policy,” Siddall wrote. 

The program was originally called Downpayment Assistance Program, but rebranded as Home Purchase Assistance Program and Home Ownership Partners in Equity before the Dec. 15 BC HOME unveiling. It was heavily marketed in the government’s controversial $15 million Our Opportunity Is Here pre-election advertising campaign.

The documents also showed that the number of units built by BC Housing has fallen since Clark took over the premiership from Gordon Campbell in March 2011.

Between 2006 and 2011, BC Housing built 9,508 units through 309 projects, costing $2.025 billion. That fell to 7,226 units at 198 projects, worth $1.626 billion, under Clark. 

theBreaker previously reported that a Coleman aide gave someone outside government a sneak peek into the BC HOME program last July. But the person’s name was censored from an email. 

After Clark and Coleman announced the program in a glitzy pre-Christmas news conference, dozens of angry citizens complained to Clark’s office by email. The citizens threatened to vote NDP if Clark didn’t cancel the state-subsidized, subprime mortgage program.

Unversity of B.C. economist Tom Davidoff said BC HOME wouldn’t solve the affordable housing crisis, but would instead inflate prices at the low-end of the market and saddle young buyers with more debt.

BC Home – Mackin FOI by BobMackin on Scribd

Bob Mackin  The centrepiece of the BC Liberals’

Bob Mackin 

Thank God It’s Friday is not B.C. Place Stadium’s motto.  

When the roof ripped and collapsed under snow and sleet on Jan. 5, 2007 — after management refused to activate the snow-melting system — it was a Friday. 

U2 fans waited 90 minutes to get onto the floor at B.C. Place (Mackin)

When the Vancouver Winter Olympics opening ceremony on Feb. 12, 2010 was overshadowed by the cauldron malfunction, it was also a Friday. 

When mammoth lineups kept half the crowd outside the stadium on May 12, during U2’s opening act Mumford and Sons, that was, well… ditto. 

Yours truly was among those who spent 90 minutes in a line that snaked all the way around the Parq Casino construction site, after being assigned Gate E for the credit card entry to the floor. Staff finally cleared the line, with help from Vancouver Police officers, around 9:15 p.m., with no credit card check and no security pat-down. There was no time to buy a beer or visit a washroom. Only time to find a place to stand on the floor with minutes to spare before U2 began its Joshua Tree 30th anniversary tour.

B.C. Place management blamed the massive SNAFU on the rollout of the credit card entry system that the band insisted on using to prevent scalping. The same system was employed on a smaller scale, with little fuss, two years earlier when U2 opened its innocence + experience tour across the street at Rogers Arena. 

Sources tell theBreaker that the credit card system crashed on May 12. It was supposed to print-off seat locator slips. Staff had minimal training and were overwhelmed. 

There may have been fewer than 100 staffers working the show, with temporary workers and contractors picking-up the slack. Senior security staff had little support and some were verbally abused, pushed and elbowed by disgruntled fans. A senior operations manager was spat upon. 

U2 delayed its arrival onstage until the lineups were solved. The B.C. Place spin bought stadium management almost 48 hours grace. 

U2 played May 14 down the I-5 in Seattle and yours truly noticed that entry to the stadium was orderly and efficient. Most of the crowd was inside the stadium for Mumford and Sons. U2 played an extra two songs that weren’t heard in Vancouver (Bad and I Will Follow). The event began an hour earlier than Vancouver, and it was a Sunday, but stadium attendees were also faced with airport-style security lineups and additional bag restrictions. 

The biggest differences? The venues and their operations. 

B.C. Place is a 1983 stadium with a 2011 roof, public-owned and public-managed. The 2002-opened CenturyLink Field is managed by First and Goal, the parent company of the Seattle Seahawks and Seattle Sounders. 

There are as many NFL and MLS regular season games in CenturyLink a year as there are CFL and MLS games. B.C. Place is used to attracting fewer than 20,000 fans to most of its events. The Sounders are the biggest draw in the MLS, with crowds around 38,000. The Seahawks sell-out their 67,000 full-capacity. 

The last time B.C. Place hosted a near-full house for a single event was the March 25, 2016 World Cup soccer qualifier between Canada and Mexico. The announced attendance was 54,798.

Despite B.C. Place’s richer hosting history — nine Grey Cups, Olympics opening and closing ceremonies and a FIFA Women’s World Cup final — CenturyLink is better resourced and better equipped for major, contemporary events. It showed by the sheer amount of smiling staff with wayfinding signs. Unlike their B.C. Place counterparts, they were calm and confident. No confusion at the “Clink.”

The bungling at B.C. Place cost the stadium and city reputation-wise. It also harmed the bottom line for the perennial money-losing B.C. Pavilion Corporation that operates the facility. 

The thousands stuck outside were hungry and thirsty, but had to choose between watching the concert they paid to see or buying food and beer. Beer sales were cut-off at 10 p.m., leaving many full kegs. 

The only ones breathing a sigh of relief must have been the BC Liberals under Christy Clark. They cling to a 43-seat minority after the May 9 election. 

Had the latest B.C. Place Friday night faux pas happened three days before the May 9 provincial election, instead of three days after, Clark would be the ex-premier by now. The NDP, and maybe Greens, would have exploited the latest case of PavCo mismanagement and the Liberals’ rejection of regulating the event ticket resale market.

Eddie Vedder showed up in Seattle to sing with U2 on Mothers of the Disappeared, which was a bonus for a concert that was better than the tour kickoff in Vancouver. U2 added Bad to its pre-Joshua Tree set and ended with I Will Follow. 

Did you have a bad experience at B.C. Place on May 12? Email your complaint to PavCo CEO/B.C. Place GM Ken Cretney, and send a copy to theBreaker

Bob Mackin  Thank God It’s Friday is not

Bob Mackin

While British Columbians wait and wonder which party will govern the province, the BC Liberals are busy banking millions of dollars from their donors. 

During the second half of the provincial election campaign, Christy Clark’s party rapidly amassed $2.1 million, putting the New Year’s Day to Election Day total at $7.3 million. 

The previous total was $5.2 million, according to a May 4 exclusive by theBreaker.

According to unaudited donation lists analyzed by theBreaker, the Liberals reported some of their biggest single donations of 2017 in the two weeks before the May 9 vote. The party’s 43-seat minority is subject to recounts in two ridings and 176,000 absentee ballots across the province. 

Sandman Hotels, Inns and Suites donated $85,000 on April 28, only $15,000 less than Goldcorp’s year-topping $100,000 donation from Jan. 4. 

Interfor Corp. and Anthem Properties gave $50,000 each on May 6, to match Pacific Investment Corp.’s March 25 donation. Kevin Falcon, the Anthem executive vice-president and former Liberal finance minister, said in a post-election interview that long overdue campaign finance reform was among the issues that cost the Liberals seats.

Others who gave May 6 included Robert Lee ($40,000), Warrington PCI ITF Infinity Building ($35,000), No. 201 Seabright Holdings Ltd. and Westwood Ridge Development Corp. ($25,000 each.)

The $7.3 million is just shy of the $7.44 million the party raised for the entire 2008 calendar year. 

In 2016, the Liberals grossed $13.1 million, more than half from controversial cash for access events where Clark and cabinet ministers were featured attractions. By comparison, the NDP raised $6.2 million and the Greens $757,268 in 2016. Even if corporate and union donations are eventually restricted or prohibited, the Liberals have raised enough dough in 2017 to fight the next election in 2021 or sooner. Or a leadership contest, to replace the unpopular Clark. In 2001, 916,888 British Columbians put an X beside a Liberal candidate to vote the NDP out of office. In 2017, a combined 1,018,236 NDP and Green voters “spoke” at the ballot box for an end to 16 years of Liberal rule.

The Liberals say they release unaudited donation lists in “real time,” but actually they publish their PDF lists in intervals of 10 days to two weeks. Underlying information shows that party communications director Emile Scheffel creates the files in Microsoft Excel, but converts them to PDFs for publication without totals.

The NDP and Greens say they will release their donors’ lists in accordance with Elections BC deadlines; for the 2017 election, that is 90 days after voting day. Both parties want to ban corporate and union donations. The Liberals have only committed to striking a non-binding, expert advisory panel should they win. 

B.C. has no legal limits to the size or source of political donations. The RCMP and Special Prosecutor David Butcher are investigating illegal donations made by lobbyists who didn’t disclose their clients. The Liberals have returned nearly $250,000 in illegal donations. 

April 28-May 9 Donations by BobMackin on Scribd

Bob Mackin While British Columbians wait and

Bob Mackin

The BC Liberal government waited until two days after the provincial election to finally give theBreaker documents about the $235 million transferred to a treeplanting society that is not covered by freedom of information laws. 

Steve Thomson, Minister of Forests, Land and Natural Resource Operations, announced $85 million in public funding for the fledgling Forest Enhancement Society of B.C. (FESBC) in his Feb. 26, 2016 speech to the Association of B.C. Forest Professionals annual meeting. Premier Christy Clark gave Kamloops-based FESBC another $150 million from taxpayers in February 2017 when she posed for photos at the Canfor seedling nursery in Prince George. She estimated FESBC would create 3,000 rural jobs over five years.

Clark gave $235M to a treeplanting society with little oversight. (BC Gov)

On Feb. 22 — more than two-and-a-half months before the election — theBreaker asked to see copies of funding applications, assessments, recommendations and approvals about the $235 million transfer.

In mid-March, the government told theBreaker that it would delay the release of records by an extra 30 business days until May 23. After theBreaker complained, the Office of the Information and Privacy Commissioner set April 28 as the deadline for disclosure of finance ministry documents. 

On April 10, the day before the election formally began, the government told theBreaker that the forests ministry was “not in possession of records” — a statement later disproven. 

The government ignored the OIPC’s April 28 deadline and sat on the documents until after the Clark Liberals lost their majority on May 9. Two recounts are pending and 176,000 absentee ballots must be counted. The Clark Liberals may regain a majority, lose the majority to the NDP or form a coalition with the Green Party.

Since the Legislature’s April 11 dissolution, Clark-loyal Deputy Minister Athana Mentelopoulos has controlled the finance ministry, which includes the central government’s FOI office, Information Access Operations. 

The records sent to theBreaker by the finance ministry on May 11 are scant and heavily censored. They include Treasury Board briefing notes from January 2016 and January 2017 and a letter to Thomson from Finance Minister Mike de Jong.

One briefing note explains how the program stemmed from a September 2015 announcement to the Union of B.C. Municipalities convention. The government pledged to develop a forest enhancement program for wildfire prevention and rehabilitation, and wildlife habitat restoration. The briefing notes both mention that option 1 was adopted, but no details of a second option are visible. The government censored records because it considers the information to be policy advice or recommendations, covered by cabinet confidentiality and it fears harming intergovernmental

FESBC directors include two public servants (FESBC)

relations.

The society board includes two public servants — assistant deputy ministers of forests Dave Peterson (finance chair) and Mary Sue Maloughney (human resources chair) — retired chief forester Jim Snetsinger, Duz Cho Logging director Chief Derek Orr and retired West Fraser Lumber executive Wayne Clogg.

When it knocked-off the NDP and came to power in the May 16, 2001 election, the Liberals vowed to make B.C. the most open, democratic and accountable province in the country. The party instead created agencies beyond the reach of the FOI law, to hide spending and contracting details from taxpayers. The Vancouver 2010 Winter Olympics organizing committee, known as VANOC, and its ally, 2010 Legacies Now, were the most famous such agencies.

In 2015, FOI expert Stanley Tromp told the Legislature’s special bipartisan committee reviewing B.C.’s information and privacy statutes that the law should be expanded to cover any institution established by the Legislature or a public agency that is publicly funded, controlled or performing a public function. The committee’s May 2016 report recommended extending the law to “any board, committee, commissioner, panel, agency or corporation that is created or owned by a public body and all the members or officers of which are appointed or chosen by or under the authority of that public body.” 

The Clark Liberals, however, neither amended the law nor did they choose to designate FESBC a public body for the purpose of the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act. 

FESBC FIN-2017-70804 by BobMackin on Scribd

Bob Mackin The BC Liberal government waited until two

Bob Mackin

Exactly twenty-nine and a half years after U2 brought the Joshua Tree Tour to B.C. Place Stadium in Vancouver, the Northside Dublin quartet kicks-off a tour here to mark the 30th anniversary of the 1987 landmark album.  

Vancouver filmmaker Patrick Stark’s dream is to be invited on-stage, to sing with the band and complete the documentary about his personal journey to overcome a fear of singing in public. One Life No Regrets includes interviews with U2 producers Steve Lillywhite and Daniel Lanois. 

Stark met Bono in 2015, before U2 launched its innocence + experience tour in Vancouver. A trip to the stage was supposed to happen at the second of two shows in Rogers Arena. Blues great B.B. King’s death prompted U2 to add “When Love Comes to Town” to the set, which scuttled Stark’s cameo. 

Stark spoke with theBreaker about the documentary and U2. 

Bob Mackin Exactly twenty-nine and a half years

Bob Mackin

It’s the morning after the night before and British Columbia’s political future hangs in the balance. 

The BC Liberals under Christy Clark lost their majority. For now. Maybe forever. 

Recounts and absentee ballots could give her the magic 44 seats in the next 87-seat Legislature. Or not. 

Her best hope to stay in power may be doing a deal with the B.C. Greens, who have three seats. That’s one shy of official party status that leader Andrew Weaver wanted. 

But, think of this: Why would the conservative wing of the BC Liberal coalition bite its tongue as their dyed-in-the-wool federal Liberal leader does a deal with a “party of no”? The Greens are opposed to more things than the NDP. Weaver is anti-Kinder Morgan pipeline twinning, anti-LNG and anti-Site C. 

For Weaver, he  would risk alienating his base if he took a turn for the right, into the Liberal caucus, as queen maker. If he played kingmaker instead to help John Horgan become premier, it would be better off for the Greens in the long run. The NDP is the only other party that could form government, is ready and willing to ban corporate and union donations, and the only party that favours proportional representation. Greens share more similarities with the NDP than with Liberals.  

Clark promised to appoint a panel to help shape a campaign finance reform policy. She is really in no hurry to change. Nor does she want to. As it stands, the Liberals have at least $5.2 million in donations raised in 2017. That’s enough to fight the next election, whether it’s in 2021 or sooner. 

The Liberals’ regional marketing failed. Of the 14 so-called “Island Champions,” only incumbent Michele Stilwell (a Paralympic champion) won in Parksville. In Vancouver, the 11 candidates who posed for a photo on the Georgia Straight produced three winners (Langara’s Michael Lee, Quilchena’s Andrew Wilkinson and False Creek’s Sam Sullivan), which could be reduced to two if there is a recount in Vancouver False Creek. 

The Liberals lost 60,000 votes since 2013. Where did they go? Some to the Greens, some to the NDP and some stayed home? In a growing province, this is a stain on the Liberal campaign. 

The NDP held around 716,000. The Greens doubled to 301,000. The April 26 debate mattered in heightening Weaver’s profile. In 2013, the Jane Sterk Greens ran 61 candidates. This time 83, four shy of a full complement. 

Advance voting was record-breaking, but that was out of convenience more than anything. It looks like a 57% turnout, which is just about 2% better than 2013. Maybe Trevor Linden, president of the last place in the west Vancouver Canucks, isn’t such a hot commodity as a celebrity endorser while the Canucks are on the golf course instead of the Stanley Cup playoffs. 

The defeat of star candidate Steve Darling in Burnaby and Surrey’s Puneet Sandhar was also a defeat for back roomer Patrick Kinsella, who had a hand in recruiting them and staffing their campaigns. 

The loss of cabinet ministers Suzanne Anton, Amrik Virk and Peter Fassbender hurts Clark’s bench-strength. Particularly Fassbender, the minister of taxis and transit and local government. Analysis of Fassbender’s calendar shows that he was among the hardest-working cabinet ministers. He was tasked as education minister to oversee negotiations with teachers in 2014. He later became transit and taxis minister after the failed TransLink tax plebiscite. Transport minister Todd Stone was not capable, for reasons of geography (he’s in Kamloops) and shaky political stick handling. Fassbender was the first to open a campaign office, last September, fearing that the redrawn Surrey Fleetwood boundaries would favour the NDP. He was right. 

The defeat of junior minister Naomi Yamamoto in North Vancouver to rookie Bowinn Ma was inevitable. The NDP focussed its North Shore campaigns in one riding where Yamamoto was viewed as weak. Her demise was only hastened by Clark’s mainstreaming snub of Sunshine Coast visitor Linda Higgins at a grocery store. Standing beside Clark when that happened was Yamamoto, who gave Higgins the stinkeye. Yamamoto had spent substantial time cozying up to the search and rescue community on the North Shore. She even located her campaign office in an area near the North Shore Rescue headquarters, in the second floor of an office building near the North Shore Auto Mall.

Ma, meanwhile, was centred in a retail storefront near 13th and Lonsdale and she took to campaigning at Lonsdale Quay and on the SeaBus itself. If the NDP does form government, Ma is cabinet material. Ma’s campaign drew volunteers from off the North Shore and volunteers who had been loyal Liberals. Sources said she had about 200 volunteers. 

Bob Mackin It’s the morning after the night

From May 16, 2001, the British Columbia election night was covered live on MYCityRadio.com, a pioneering Vancouver webcast company that ran from summer 2000 to summer 2001.

Featuring Joe Keithley, Nardwuar the Human Serviette, Brian “Godzilla” Salmi, Faye Leung, Gillian Guess, “Hunky Bill” Konyk, Jamie Lee Hamilton, Brian “Who?” Else and more. There was never anything like this before and there has not been anything like it since. After all, Frank Zappa said government is the showbiz wing of industry. 

With a special appearance by Liberal leader Gordon Campbell. Hosted by Shannon Nelson and Chad Varhaug, produced by Bob Mackin.

Enjoy the highlights of that madcap night, when the Campbell Liberals won 77 of 79 seats, while you wait for the results of the May 9 election. But, please, vote first. 

From May 16, 2001, the British Columbia

Bob Mackin

Hands up if you’ve heard someone you know say they’ll stick with the status quo on May 9, because they prefer “the devil you know, versus the devil you don’t”? 

Or, they’re “voting for the lesser of two evils”?

Hands up if that’s the way you intend to vote. 

Do you reallly know the devil you’re talking about or what evil they’ve been up to for the last four years?

If you’ve been following coverage of provincial politics over the last four years, you are not a low-information voter and you know that British Columbians are not getting bang for their buck when it comes to good governance. The BC Liberals have been party first, people second, on a non-stop campaign to perpetuate their power and raise more money for campaigning than all other parties combined. 

If they win the election today, they’ll have a fresh mandate to 2021 — that would be 20 years of the same party in office. No matter where you are on the political spectrum, it is never healthy in a democracy to become a one-party state, because the lines blur between party and government. The people suffer, while the cronies cash-in. 

A Liberal loss on May 9 could be just what the doctor ordered for B.C. and the Liberals themselves. The centre-right coalition would be forced to find a new leader or face the departure of many members on the conservative side, who could form their own party. Diversity of opinion on the political spectrum is good for any democracy. B.C. has too few major party options. 

The BC Liberals came to power 16 years ago next week, promising to make British Columbia the most open, accountable and democratic province in Canada. That hasn’t happened. On many counts, they’ve gone backwards. 

Gordon Campbell’s New Era platform in 2001 contained that promise. The NDP in the 1990s had brought B.C. the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act. By the time they were finished, they watered down many of the measures, scared of letting out too much information. An informed populace is a dangerous thing on election day, for those who are hungry to stay in power for self-gain. Campbell didn’t get around to restoring the FOI laws, because he found it politically convenient to maintain secrecy. 

Secrecy can be addictive, especially in a system where there are no term limits, no donation limits, lobbying is under-regulated and archaic, top-down traditions are kept alive. Over the decades, power has been centralized in the Office of the Premier, who dictates the shots between elections. 

The BC Liberals under Campbell and then Christy Clark took extreme measures to keep even their staunchest supporters from knowing and understanding what they do on taxpayers time with the taxpayers dime. Municipal governments are creatures of the provincial government, so the secrecy at your local city hall is partly the fault of the BC Liberals. 

The chances of any democratic reform, to put more power in the hands of the people, under a re-elected Clark Liberal administration, are zero. How can you believe this party, which claims to be a prudent money manager, when it spends so much time, energy and your money to prevent you from knowing how much it really spends and how it awards contracts. It won’t show you or me the business case or cost-benefit analysis for the $3.5 billion (plus $8 billion interest) bridge to replace the Massey Tunnel, for example.  

You wield a powerful weapon — a pencil on a slip of papter in a voting booth. If enough of you cast votes in one direction on May 9, the government will change. Peacefully. In other parts of the world, that is simply not possible. 

The Greens and NDP have promised democratic reform. The upstart Your Political Party of B.C. has a platform that includes full proactive disclosure of government spending and contracting and an end to party discipline.

The NDP has the best shot at forming a new government. If John Horgan overcomes the big business and big media-supported BC Liberals and their big money, it will be up to diligent citizens and the media to hold Horgan to account. 

Here are 10 ways the BC Liberals have tried to keep you from knowing. 

1

Clark came to power in 2011 promising open government, but actually gave B.C. the most-secretive one it has ever had. B.C.’s Information and Privacy Commissioner found personnel in various offices, including Clark’s, were mass-deleting email to keep it out of the hands of anyone asking under the freedom of information law. The Clark administration was also running what was termed an “oral government,” making decisions but not documenting them. No records became two common words in letters to FOI applicants. 

2

The story of the life and death of Paige Gauchier exposed systemic neglect that enraged many British Columbians, including the Representative for Children and Youth, who reported on the tragedy in May 2015. It took the government five months to respond. Someone in the Premier’s office decided that it would be a good idea to issue that response on 3 p.m. of the 2015 federal election day. An hour on a day when understaffed newsrooms across B.C. were focused on covering the federal election. A deliberate attempt to bury the news and keep the public from seeing the name and face of a young woman who deserved better from a government that looked like it didn’t give a damn. 

3

The BC Liberals have had an uneasy relationship with statutory watchdogs and have not been afraid to meddle in their affairs, so as to prevent or mitigate risks to the party. Statutory watchdogs are supposed to be checks on power. The BC Liberals viewed them as bothersome and, sometimes, they even muzzled them.

Christy cashes-in (Mackin)

4

The B.C. government invites reporters from the Lower Mainland to visit the Premier’s Vancouver Office at Canada Place whenever the budget is tabled or the province’s finances are updated quarterly. But it doesn’t want to hear their questions, lest they elicit an answer that doesn’t fit with the government’s propaganda narrative.

It used to be standard practice for the finance minister to take questions from the two-way speakerphone at the satellite location in Vancouver. Under Mike de Jong, the finance minister who says he doesn’t use email, that was kiboshed. Only reporters at the Legislature in Victoria get the chance to ask a question. The speakerphone is set to listen-only on the Vancouver side. 

5

Christy Clark was an open line talkshow host from 2007 to 2010 on CKNW. She returned to the other side of the mic on a few occasions, as a guest, between 2011 and 2013, but made herself scarce and didn’t even bother to visit morning drive host Jon McComb during the 2017 election. Clark doesn’t do one-on-one, live radio with random callers anymore. It is all about controlling the message and reducing the chance of fielding a question that could expose the true Clark to voters. Part of controlling the message included the sycophantic biography of Clark written by the wife of a patronage appointee and published the year before the election. 

6

The only file the Clark Liberals have succeeded on during their 2013 to 2017 term is liquor industry expansion via deregulation. Most government stores are open on Sundays and now have beer fridges. Craft breweries and distillleries have popped-up all over the place and some are glorified bars and stores. Some grocery stores even have a wine section, albeit B.C. only (just wait for the World Trade Organization to rule against this protectionist measure). Good things, if you like your hop and grape, eh? Too bad the prices were hiked. 

Booze releases have become a cliche — used strategically by the government to distract the press and the public from more important things, like the state of schools and hospitals, or the occasional scandal. 

7

Every year, on the last Wednesday of February, Christy Clark dons a pink shirt, poses for photos and says bullying in schools and workplaces is bad. Who can disagree? But, the rest of the year, she has kept an archaic system of governing alive and well. Party discipline means that MLAs must toe the line set by Clark’s office, instead of side with their constituents. You may think you’re voting for someone to represent you in Victoria, but you’re voting for the leader’s local representative. Sean Holman told this story in the 2013 documentary, Whipped. 

Analysis of voting records shows this is true. 

8

The Clark Liberals cancelled the Legislature sitting last fall, so they could go on taxpayer-funded offshore junkets and continue to raise money for the party’s campaign — even after telling their own members last September they had enough to fight and win in 2017. Why did they resist calls to enact checks and balances? Of course, power before people. They raised another $5.2 million before the end of April 2017; they already have more than a down payment on their 2021 election campaign. They also have many donors who feel they’re owed attention or worse: favours.

9

Late Roderick MacIsaac, one of the health researchers wrongly fired.

Imagine a government that preaches spending control and then turns around, goes out and hires friends of the premier to create a year-and-a-half-long ad campaign to polish the image of the government before the election. That’s exactly what the BC Liberals did under Clark, who attacked the NDP for doing the same on a lower budget in 1999. The total bill to taxpayers for the last two years of propaganda may be as much as $30 million. 

10

In summer 2015, the Clark Liberals had a bright idea. They were shellshocked from the headlines about the bungled 2012 firing of eight health researchers. One of them, Roderick MacIsaac, died of suicide.

There were calls for a public inquiry. Scared of letting all that dirty laundry out, the Clark Liberals decided on an innovative scheme. Send it to the Ombudsperson for a closed-door investigation. It’d be done away from the public eye. The office had never done such an investigation. The central FOI office was shifted to de Jong’s control and Clark’s closest confidante and political ally since the 1990s, Athana Mentzelopoulos, was named his deputy minister. Good luck for it to be done before the election, the government thought. 

For once, it was wrong.

The report, titled Misfire, exposed the depth and the breadth of the evil that went on under Clark and de Jong’s watch. 

Don’t vote for what you think is the least worst. You’re a citizen, you deserve better.

 

Bob Mackin Hands up if you’ve heard someone